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There is little politicians and administrations fear more than being taken off guard and ill-prepared by a major incident. However inadequate the planning and instruments, decisions must be made and action taken. As such, unexpected events expose decision-makers to the risks of portentous decisions arrived at under conditions of great uncertainty, and usually also in great haste. Space for reflection, analysis and consultation is scarce. The problem is heightened in the sphere of foreign and security policy, with its multitude of actors, interests and influences: here, the unexpected is to be expected (see SWP Foresight Studies from 2011 and 2013). Revolutionary upheavals and power struggles frequently obliterate the bounds of orderly political process. Recent examples include developments in the Middle East and North Africa since 2011 and Russia's response to the toppling of the government in Ukraine in early 2014. Retrospective analyses of unexpected events often reveal that there were in fact warning signs. Indeed, these are generally even recognised in good time – but not interpreted as they would have in light of their later relevance. Therefore, the authors of the third SWP Foresight Study discuss possible future scenarios that already deserve more political attention today. The common starting point for all contributions is that the outlined situation would present German (and EU) foreign and security policy with grave challenges, regardless of whether the character of the events is more of a crisis or an opportunity. (author's abstract)

ZeFKo Zeitschrift für Friedens- und Konfliktforschung , Seite 44 - 71

Beeinflussen Massenmedien den Gang der internationalen Politik? Alexander Brand gibt hierauf eine differenzierte Antwort, die Medien weder zu Sündenböcken für fehlgeschlagene politische Projekte macht noch deren eigenständige Wirkmächtigkeit abstreitet. Auch widerspricht er einer technologiefixierten Lesart, wie sie bei der Rede vom »CNN-Effekt« oder der »Twitter-Revolution« dominiert. Auf der Basis eines modifizierten konstruktivistischen Ansatzes für die Internationalen Beziehungen erläutert die Studie, wo genau sich Medieneffekte in internationalen politischen Dynamiken niederschlagen - und

With which autocratic states should German cultivate foreign relations? How should such relations be approached? How do other democratic regimes deal with authoritarian regimes? These are the key questions addressed in the current Volume 30 of the Annals of the German Council on Foreign Relations (DGAP). Over 50 experts from the realms of academia, business, and politics engage in rigorous analysis to illuminate policy options.

Das Beiheft geht auf eine internationale und interdisziplinäre Tagung der Westfälischen Wilhelms-Universität Münster vom 11. bis 13. September 2006 zurück, die sich zum Ziel gesetzt hatte, den aktuellen Forschungsstand der Völkerrechtsgeschichte des Mittelalters und der Frühen Neuzeit zu sichten und zu dokumentieren.

Der südsudanesische Bürgerkrieg nimmt zunehmend Charakterzüge einer ethnopolitischen Auseinandersetzung an. Dennoch wäre es verfehlt, darin die Ursachen des Konfliktes erkennen zu wollen. Vielmehr ist der Alleinvertretungsanspruch der ehemaligen Befreiungsbewegung und jetzigen Regierungspartei SPLM/A ein wesentliches Hindernis für einen friedlichen Verlauf der Aushandlungsprozesse im südsudanesischen "Political Settlement". Die internationale Gemeinschaft hat keine Antworten auf diese Problematik gefunden und durch ihr Engagement diesen Alleinvertretungsanspruch faktisch unterstützt, was zu einer Verschärfung der gegenwärtigen Spannungen beigetragen hat.

The world requires global solutions. What is the right approach? Since the end of the Bush administration there has been an international debate on what kind of world will emerge. Where is Europe in this debate? Among American academics Europe plays only a marginal role. Their main concerns are the decline of America and the rise of China. Europe is not considered to be a major power factor in the new world. The "Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership" (TTIP) introduced a new element into the debate, however. For liberal internationalists the TTIP could provide a stable basis for market economies and liberal democracies to strengthen their global influence. Such an agreement could help to enlarge their standards to the emerging powers. On the one hand, it would pull them into the new system. On the other hand, it would push them towards it. The US and Europe would create an economic and politically unifying force that would integrate the new emerging actors such as China, India, Brazil, Russia and other established economic powers. Geo-strategists and Realists would argue that closer US - European ties, the TIPP together with the "Transpacific Partnership" (TPP), would enhance the West's leverage with China.

Donald Trump's election campaign and first hundred days in office were marked by abrasive rhetoric on trade, in particular blaming free trade agreements for causing eco­nomic suffering and unemployment in America. Countries that run large export sur­pluses with the United States, like Mexico, Germany and China, have drawn the greatest ire. Internationally this has provoked fears of trade wars and the end of the multilateral world trade order. Latin American countries, for whom the United States is a crucial trade partner, are especially concerned. So far, only some of the fears have realised. At the same time, efforts are under way across the world to reduce trade dependency on the United States. (Autorenreferat)