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This article deals with the concepts of space and territoriality in law and politics seen through reflexion on borders, which are understood primarily as forms of identification and the basis for nation-building. While in the classical antiquity, borders were seen as exclusionary defensive structures, in modern international law in the 18th and 19th centuries, they became spaces for the delimitation of states sovereign territories. The author attempts to enligthen the symbolic significance of borders in modern European history, which have been connected with imperial designs, nationalist discourses and political imaginaries. Border rhetoric often emphasised territorial inclusions and exclusions relied to the concepts such as sovereignty, security and natural living space ("natural borders"). The concept of borders is also related to the understanding of the division of Earth's surface into areas defined as regions. Regions may construct and transcend natural and political borders. Although, borders have been through world history sites of conflict, they also build ways of interconnections between locals and neighbours. The struggle over cultural and political domination and attempts to integrate and assimilate border populations were mostly reflected into deliberate linguistic policies relating to the language of administration and the public sphere. After the Second world war, the perception of borders have changed and the new understanding of borders have prevailed, based upon the idea of cooperation and the recognition of local traditions and minority rights. The principle of uti possidetis iuris was applied in order to prevent redrawing of the borders of new states and to maintain the territorial stability of the regions. But the recent migration crisis and security concerns in Europe and America have re-actualised the perception of state borders as defensive structures. Moreover, introduction of new technologies, such as ICT and the bio-metric, have transformed classical, linear forms of territorial border surveillance into mechanisms of remote control and ruling at a distance. ; U radu se razmatra koncept prostora i teritorijalnosti u pravu i politici u odnosu na granice koje se smatraju ponajprije oblikom identifikacije i temeljem izgradnje nacije. Dok su u klasičnoj antici granice bile strukture u funkciji obrane, u modernom međunarodnom pravu 18. i 19. stoljeća one postaju prostori kojima države razgraničavaju suverenost svoga teritorija. Autor u radu razjašnjava simbolički značaj granica u suvremenoj europskoj povijesti vezano uz stvaranje imperija, nacionalistički diskurs i političke zamisli. U retorici granica često se naglašava teritorijalnu inkluziju i isključenost koje se oslanjaju na pojmove kao što su suverenitet, sigurnost i prirodni životni prostor ("prirodne granice"). Koncept granica također se odnosi na razumijevanje podjele Zemljine površine na područja definirana kao regije. Regije mogu činiti i prelaziti prirodne i političke granice. Iako su tijekom povijesti granice bile mjesta sukoba, one su bile i prostori povezivanje lokalnog i susjednog stanovništva. Borba za kulturnu i političku dominaciju kao i pokušaji integracije i asimilacije stanovništva koje živi uz granice, utjecali su na jezične politike vezane uz jezik uprave i javne sfere. Nakon Drugog svjetskog rata percepcija o granicama promijenila se i prevladalo je novo razumijevanje granica koje se temelji na ideji suradnje i priznavanju lokalnih tradicija i manjinskih prava. Načelo uti possidetis iuris primijenjuje se kako bi se spriječilo prekrajanje granica novonastalih država i kako bi se održala teritorijalna stabilnost regija. Međutim, nedavna migracijska kriza i sigurnosni problemi u Europi i Americi ponovno su aktualizirali percepciju državnih granica kao obrambenih struktura. Štoviše, uvođenje novih tehnologija, kao što su ICT i biometrika, mijenja klasične, linearne oblike nadzora teritorijalnih granica u mehanizme daljinskog nadzora i vladanja na daljinu.

Many Palestinians immigrate for higher education due to the political conflicts faced by the nation. A large number has found Eastern Mediterranean University as a convenient place to pursue their education. As the geographical distance between these students and their families became greater, the easiest and fastest way to communicate became social media as it is today's trends. Thus, Facebook as the most preferred social network is valuable in the world of communication. The method of study will be qualitative. The methodology will be based on focus groups of male Palestinian students. The field study is Eastern Mediterranean University, a state university in North Cyprus with Palestinian as one of the largest foreign population on the campus. The interviews/discussions will be held in 3 different groups of six participants each. Thus, data will be triangulated than similarities discussed in themes. The samples selection is based on the fact according to a survey conducted by Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics (PCBS) most of the emigrants were young, single men. It also found more males than females were emigrating for education. The population of the focus group was selected randomly. The research must be conducted with an objective to collect and store sources of data, in a systematic manner using literature review and a thematic analysis. The goal is to analyze family communication and understand the vitality of family relation through the use of social media amongst student living abroad for educational reasons. The results show how the role of Facebook in the life of Palestinian students is complex as it may serve for good or for bad. Results also show that the impact of Facebook on families is not to be ignored, especially among Palestinian students whose main mean of communication with families is social media for the most may lead to questioning the vitality of family relation in their lives. The study highlights the factors that can most likely affect international students due to the use of social media. ; ÖZ: Birçok Filistinliler, ulusun karşı karşıya kaldığı politik çatışmalar nedeniyle yüksek öğrenime göç ediyor. Birçok Filistinli öğrenciler eğitimlerini sürdürmek için Doğu Akdeniz Üniversitesini çok uygun bir yer olarak görmektedirler. Bu öğrenciler ve aileleri arasındaki coğrafi mesafe daha da arttıkça, sosyal medya, bugünün eğilimleri olduğu gibi, iletişim kurmanın en kolay ve en hızlı yolu haline olmuştur. Böylece, Facebook en çok tercih edilen sosyal ağ olarak iletişim dünyasında çok önem kazanmıştır. Bu çalışmanın metodu niteliksel olacaktır. Metodoloji, erkek Filistinli öğrencilerin odak gruplarına dayanıyor olacaktır. Alan araştırması olarak Doğu Akdeniz Üniversitesi, Kuzey Kıbrıs'taki bir devlet üniversitesi olup, kampusunda en büyük yabancı nüfustan biri olan Filistinli öğrenciler sahibtır. Görüşmeler, her biri altı katılımcının bulunduğu 3 farklı grupta gerçekleştirilecektir. Böylece, veriler temalarda tartışılan benzerliklere kıyasla üçgenleştirilecektir. Örneklem seçimi, Filistin Merkez İstatistik Bürosu (PCBS) tarafından yürütülen ve göç edenlerin çoğunun genç, bekar erkekler olduğu bir ankete göre yapılmaktadır. Ayrıca, eğitim için kadınlardan daha fazla erkek göç edilimektedir. Odak grubunun nüfusu rasgele seçilmiştir. Araştırma, literatür taraması ve tematik bir analiz kullanarak veri kaynaklarını sistematik bir şekilde toplamak ve depolamak için bir amaca uygun olarak yürütülmelidir. Amaç, eğitim nedenleriyle yurtdışında yaşayan öğrenciler arasında sosyal medya kullanımı yoluyla aile iletişimini analiz etmek ve aile ilişkisinin canlılığını anlamaktır. Sonuçlar, Filistinli öğrencilerin hayatında Facebook'un rolünün nasıl iyi veya kötü hizmet edebileceği açısından karmaşık olduğunu göstermektedir. Sonuçlar ayrıca Facebook'un aileler üzerindeki etkisinin görmezden gelinmediğini, özellikle ailelerle olan iletişimin en çok olduğu sosyal medyanın hayatlarında aile ilişkisinin canlılığını sorgulamasına neden olan Filistinli öğrenciler arasında görmezden gelinmediğini göstermektedir. Bu çalışma, sosyal medyanın kullanımı nedeniyle uluslararası öğrencileri etkileyebilecek faktörleri vurgulamaktadır. ; Master of Arts in Communication and Media Studies. Thesis (M.A.)--Eastern Mediterranean University, Faculty of Communication, Dept. of Communication and Media Studies, 2017. Supervisor: Assoc. Prof. Dr. Bahire Efe

Although many observers consider the Bush administration's "faith-based initiative" a unique breach in the wall of separation between church and state, close ties between the federal government and religious agencies are no novelty in the history of American public policy. Since the end of the Second World War, billions of dollars of public funds have been made available to religiously-affiliated hospitals, nursing homes, educational institutions, and social services - institutions which were regarded as vital to Cold War preparedness. By the same token, government use of religious foreign aid agencies, the donation of surplus land and military facilities to religious charities, and the funding of the chaplaincy in the armed forces have undergirded Cold War foreign policy goals. Based on the principle of subsidiarity, post-war public policy thus integrated religious groups into the framework of the welfare and national security state in ways which underwrote both the expansion of the federal government and the growth of religious agencies. Crucially, public funding relations involved not only mainline Protestant, Jewish and Catholic organizations, but also white evangelicals, who had traditionally been the most outspoken opponents of closer ties between church and state. Cold War Anti-Communism, the fear of Catholic or secularist control of public funds, and pragmatic considerations, however, ushered in the gradual revision of their separatist views. Ironically, the programs of Lyndon Johnson's Great Society, so vilified by the Christian Right, pioneered many of the funding streams most beneficial to evangelical providers. Considering that since 1945 the sprawling and loosely organized evangelical movement has become the largest single religious faction in the US, and that conservative Protestants now form the most strongly Republican group in the religious spectrum, these findings are of particular importance. They suggest that Cold War state-building and the resurgence of Evangelicalism mutually reinforced each other in ways which have been largely ignored by scholarship on conservatism and its focus on the "backlash" against the political and cultural upheaval of the 1960s. Based on newly accessible archival materials and a comprehensive review of secondary literature, this paper suggests that the institutional and ideological ties between evangelicals and the state, which developed in the aftermath of the Second World War, are as important in understanding the political mobilization of conservative Protestants as the more recent "culture war" sentiments. ; Beobachter der amerikanischen Politik deuten die so genannte "faith-based initiative" der Bush-Regierung, die eine staatliche Mitfinanzierung religiöser Sozialeinrichtungen ermöglicht, zumeist als einen Versuch, die traditionelle Trennung von Kirche und Staat in den USA zu unterminieren. Bei näherem Hinsehen zeigt sich jedoch, dass bundesstaatliche Gelder bereits seit dem zweiten Weltkrieg in großem Umfang zum Aufbau religiöser Krankenhäuser, Universitäten, internationaler Hilfsorganisationen und sozialer Dienste beigetragen haben. Unter der Ägide des Kalten Krieges wurden religiöse Gruppen institutionell und ideologisch in die Staatsbildung der Nachkriegszeit integriert, die weder eine Rückkehr zum "Nachtwächterstaat" der zwanziger Jahre darstellte, noch auf dem Staatsbegriff des New Deal beruhte. Stattdessen war das spezifische Merkmal des "Cold War state", dass er auf dem Prinzip der Subsidiarität aufbaute, welches den Staat in erster Linie als Geldgeber für den Aufbau einer von privaten, gemeinnützigen und kirchlichen Einrichtungen getragenen sozialstaatlichen Infrastruktur ansah. Zu den besonderen Charakteristika des sich daraus entwickelnden neuen Verhältnisses zwischen Kirche und Staat gehörte, dass konservative protestantische Gruppen, die bislang auf einer strikten Trennung beider Bereiche bestanden, zunehmend in die subsidiaristischen Strukturen eingebunden wurden. Vor allem die Identifikation der Evangelikalen mit dem Antikommunismus und ihre Furcht vor katholischer Dominanz bei der staatlichen Förderung trug zu ihrer neuen Staatsnähe bei. Darüber hinaus profitierten konservative Protestanten insbesondere während der Ausweitung des Wohlfahrtsstaates in den sechziger Jahren (Great Society), die sie ansonsten als Beginn des moralischen Verfalls und staatlichen Versagens angreifen, zunehmend von öffentlichen Mitteln. Dies wirft die Frage auf, welche Rolle diese neue Hinwendung zum Staat für die politische Mobilisierung der Evangelikalen spielte, die in der Forschung zumeist erst in den achtziger Jahren als Resultat der Ablehnung gegenkultureller Impulse angesiedelt wird. Unter Rückgriff auf Theorien der sozialen Bewegungen zeigt der Beitrag auf, dass die ideologische und institutionelle Integration in den Staatsbildungsprozess seit dem Zweiten Weltkrieg ebenso wichtig war für das politische Wiedererwachen der Evangelikalen wie ihre Reaktion gegen "sex, drugs, and rock'n'roll" seit den späten siebziger Jahren.

ÖZETBu çalışmanın amacı, Sovyetler Birliği'nin 1991'de dağılmasından 1999'da Rusya Federasyonu'nda meydana gelen başkanlık değişimine kadar geçen sürede, Rusya Federasyonu'nun Azerbaycan üzerindeki politikalarını incelemektir. Azerbaycan üzerindeki Rus politikalarının incelenmesiyle Rusya'nın gerçekten de Azerbaycan üzerinde bir tür politik ve ekonomik üstünlük kurmaya çalıştığına dair önemli deliller ortaya çıkmaktadır. Geçmişte Çarlık Rusya'sı ve Sovyetler Birliği'nin Kafkaslar ve Azerbaycan üzerinde kurmuş olduğu egemenlik, Rusya Federasyonu'na da ilham kaynağı olmuş gibidir. Rusya, 1992'den başlayarak eski Sovyetler Birliği cumhuriyetlerini, üzerinde sadece Rusya'nın söz hakkının olması gereken 'Yakın Çevre' olarak isimlendirir. Azerbaycan'da ise Rusya'nın, Azerbaycan ve Dağlık Karabağ Ermenileri arasındaki savaşta Azerilerin aldığı yenilgilerin ve de anti-Rus Azeri Cumhurbaşkanı, Ebulfeyz Elçibey'in devrilmesinin arkasındaki aktör olarak görülmesi gerektiğine dair pek çok görüş ve delil sunulmaktadır. Rusya, ayrıca Hazar Denizi'nin Azerbaycan'a ait kıyısında yer alan geniş petrol rezervlerinin işletilmesi ve taşınması konusunda da aktif bir tutum almış, örneğin Hazar Denizi petrolünün, Rusya'ya söz hakkı verilmeden, hukuki statüsünün belirlenmesi çabalarına karşı olmuştur. Ayrıca özellikle 1994'ten sonra Azerbaycan'ın Batılı petrol şirketleri ile yaptığı bütün petrol anlaşmalarına dahil olmak istemiş ve petrolün Batı dünyasına Rus toprakları üzerinden geçecek boru hatları ile ulaştırılması gerektiğini savunmuştur.Rusya'nın Azerbaycan politikaları bölgede birbirine karşı olan ülke blokları oluşturmuştur. Rusya, İran ve Ermenistan'la görüş birliği içerisindeyken, Türkiye ve ABD, Azerbaycan'ın Rusya'dan tamamen bağımsız olması yönünde Bakü ile işbirliği içine girmiştir. Özellikle 1990'ların ikinci yarısından itibaren, ABD, Azeri petrolüne olan ilgisi nedeniyle bölgede Rusya'ya karşı önemli bir aktör olarak ortaya çıkmaktadır.ABSTRACTThe present study aims to analyze the policies of the Russian Federation over Azerbaijan from the disintegration of the Soviet Union in 1990 until the change of presidency of the Russian Federation in 1999.An analysis of the Russian policies over Azerbaijan provides some significant evidence indicating that Russia has actually seeked some kind of political and economic dominance over the latter. The exclusive control of the Tsarist Russia and the Soviet Union over the Caucasus and Azerbaijan seemed to be influencing the Russian Federation as Russia was noted to rename the ex-Soviet republics as its 'Near Abroad' on which Russia should be the sole international actor. Regarding Azerbaijan, Russia has been witnessed to be an actor behind the Azeri drawbacks in the war between Azerbaijan and the Armenians of Nagorno-Karabakh and the coup d'état against the anti-Russian Azeri president, Ebulfez Elchibey in 1993. Russia has also tried to obtain a major control over the exploitation, the development and the transportation of the Azeri oil concentrated in the coast of the Caspian Sea. To this end, it has rejected to formulate a legal status for the Caspian Sea unless the Russian interests in the Caspian were considered and tried to obtain a major share in all the oil deals which Baku has signed with the Western oil companies from 1994. Besides, it also has tried to persuade both Baku and the Western world that the pipeline to be built to carry the Caspian oil to the Western markets should pass through the territories of the Russian Federation. The Russian policies over Azerbaijan were witnessed to be creating blocs of opposing states in the region. The Russian policies were noted to be backed by Iran and Armenia while the Azeri independence from Russia was supported by Turkey and the USA. Especially, with the second half of the 1990s, the US interest in the Azeri oil has made the USA a major actor against the Russian interests in the region.

ÖZETİkinci Dünya Savaşı ve Soğuk Savaşın ardından uluslararası düzende oluşan değişiklikler Avrupa'da karmaşık güvenlik yapılanmalarını meydana getirdi. Avrupa'da kalıcı barış ve refah arayışları , AB ve NATO yoluyla oluşturulan ekonomik ve güvenlik alanlarındaki entegrasyon ile iki yönlü olarak başarıya ulaştı. Avrupa'daki ortak güvenlik anlayış ve ilgileri ortak bir güvenlik ve savunma kimliğini ortaya çıkardı. Böylece BAB ve NATO içinde AGSK geliştirildi ve AB'nin AGSP alanında katettiği yol ile de Avrupa güvenliğine bugüne değin birbirinden ayrı olarak katkılarını sürdüren bu iki kurumun çabaları ortak bir noktaya geldi.Ancak bu girişimlerin başarılı olması gösterilecek müşterek operasyonel ve politik çabaların eşitlik ,saydamlık ve güvenliğin bölünmezliği ilkeleri temeline oturtulmasına bağlıdır. Bu çalışmanın amacı,geçen yüzyılın ikinci yarısındaki Avrupa güvenlik entegrasyonuna yönelik çabaları Avrupa güvenlik konfigürasyonundaki değişimler, bu amaçla oluşturulmuş kurumlar, özellikle de NATO ve AB çerçevesinden inceleyerek Türkiye'nin bu oluşumlardaki mevcut ve gelecekteki yeri ve rolünün belirlenmesidir. Birinci bölümde Avrupa Güvenlik sistemi ve bu sistemi oluşturan parçalar incelenmiş ,ikinci bölümde Avrupa güvenliğine yönelik çabalarının temelleri Dünya Savaşları ve Soğuk Savaş şartları içinde değerlendirilmiş,üçüncü bölümde Soğuk Savaşın ardından oluşan yeni güvenlik şartları ve global güvenlik sorunları ile birlikte NATO'nun değişimi ve genişlemesi ele alınmış ,son iki bölümde AGSK ve AGSP konusunda varılan nokta bir kez de Türkiye perspektifinden değerlendirilmiştir. Soğuk savaşın ardından geleneksel güvenlik anlayışlarının yerini çok boyutlu yeni güvenlik kaygılarının alması , AB'nin otonom yapılanmasının NATO'ya alternatif olarak algılanmaması ,Avrupa güvenliğinin etkileşim alanlarını da içerecek şekilde bir bütün olması ve bu bütünün parçalarının farklı güvenlik kaygılarının, Türkiye örneğinde olduğu gibi , dikkate alınması gerektiği bu tezdeki bazı temel tartışmaları oluşturmaktadır. ABSTRACTThe momentous changes in the international order following the World War II and the Cold War resulted in the creation of the most sophisticated security structures in Europe. The quest for a permanent peace and prosperity led the Western Europe to achieve a two path progress along with the economic and military integration through the EU the NATO. Common security concerns and perceptions made the Europeans form a common security entity and develop ESDI in WEU and in the NATO and CESDP in the EU, thus bringing the separatism of these two organizations that has supported European security in their separate spheres up to now at the crossroads. In order that these endeavors succeed combined operational and political efforts must be based on inclusiveness, transparency and indivisibility of security. This study has attempted to make a brief survey of European security integration in the second half of the last century ,while clarifying the goals of this process and implications of those goals for managing change in the configuration of the European security ,together with an overview of the leading issues affecting Turkey's security interests and foreign policy. Chapter one explains what is meant by the European Security System .Chapter two makes a brief survey of the antecedents of today's security, together an examination of NATO from an historical perspective. Chapter three examines the new dimensions of security and challenges and the endeavors of NATO for the internal restructuring and accepting new members. Chapter four and five analyses ESDI and CESDP together with its implications for Turkey. It is asserted that in the Post Cold -War period traditional security concerns have evolved towards a more complex nature including new dimensions and Although EU's role has been enhanced towards an autonomous structure with the creation of CESDP , NATO and EU should not be regarded as alternatives. Since European security includes the adjoining regions as well, in addition to vital current and future security concerns of Europe a range national security concerns as in Turkey's case should be accorded different priorities.

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"This article is organized as follows: in section 1, the authors discuss the Bordo et al. (2002) monetarist counterfactual analysis. Section 2 presents data. In section 3, the authors address the following question: referring to Keynes' definition of liquidity trap, they ask themselves whether there were episodes of liquidity trap over the pre and post 1929 crisis period and whether the Fed modified its reaction function in consequence? Following this, in section 4 and using a SVAR approach, the authors simulate how US economic activity would have reacted following an expansionary monetary policy after the 1929 crisis. In conclusion, the authors suggest a renewed monetary lesson from the past." (author's abstract)

The purpose of the results of this study is to find out more about the problems felt by parents when accompanying children to study at home. Related to the purpose of this study, the effective way of researchers using this type of research is descriptive qualitative type, through interview techniques followed by reducing data and conclusions. In extracting data from this study the researcher was able to produce and show a general picture experienced by parents (respondents) in accompanying children who were unable to study at home during the Covid-19 period, this was extraordinary by draining high anger appetite in a fairly frequent time span. , quota limitations, even parents, especially mothers, are very complaining about the learning given virtually (youtube,) and the results of the provided material such as the Google Class Room followed by evaluations and assignments, this is what raises the anxiety of parents at all. do not understand the material being taught that is delivered via virtual, especially mathematics in grade VI. This needs to be examined together when the current emergency condition is requested for policy makers so that educators, especially for elementary school children, with learning at home do not focus on heavy tasks. This has resulted in the anxiety and confusion of parents whose education cannot be equated with today's world, where it is very difficult to use technology (learning media) such as using Android phones, gadgets. With this research, the researcher tries to make a valuable contribution to further research in exploring the various obstacles faced by parents Keywords: learning; covid-19; parents, obstacles ReferencesA. Tabi'in. (2020). Problematika Stay At Home Pada Anak Usia Dini Di Tengah Pandemi Covid 19. Jurnal Golden Age, 4(01), 191–200. Al Amin, M. N. K. (2020). Menakar Nilai Kemanfaatan Penangguhan Walimat Al-'Ursy Di Masa Darurat COVID-19 Melalui Analisis Sadd Adz-Dzari'ah. Ulumuddin : Jurnal Ilmu-ilmu Keislaman, 10(1), 27–38. Anugrahana, A. (2020). Hambatan, Solusi dan Harapan: Pembelajaran Daring Selama Masa Pandemi Covid-19 Oleh Guru Sekolah Dasar. Scholaria: Jurnal Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan, 10(3), 282–289. Arsyad, A. (2017). Media Pembelajaran, Edisi Revisi. Rajawali Pers. 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AbstractIn the aftermath of Bali Bombing 2002, which is considered the biggest terrorist attack in Indonesia, the Indonesian government launched the so-called 'war against terrorism'. Subsequently, the government established and applied laws on terrorism and formed a special counter-terrorism police squad: The Detachment 88. A state body that coordinates counter-terrorism measures is quickly established, the National Anti-Terrorism Agency (BNPT –Badan Nasional Penanggulangan Terorisme). Therefore, terrorism in Indonesia has been considered a 'big and serious business' since 2002. It also raises a serious question in defining and judging terror crime. Indeed, Indonesia has the law of terrorism since 2002, yet the definition is not very clear. Even in international forum, there is no single and approved definition of terrorism. For instance, an armed group who attacked civilians in Central Sulawesi was named terrorists by the state. On the other hand, a group of militias who attacked and held hostages in Timika, Papua was labelled as an armed criminal group. In Jakarta, there were some bomb threats during 2015 and 2017. Nevertheless, the law enforcement agencies have never named them as 'terrorists', although their actions deserve to be called as 'lone-wolf terrorism'. This paper aims to identify the social construction of terrorism. Terrorism is a term that is used regularly by news media and politicians. Whether its application is impartial or biased is fundamental to a debate. In a society where, international terrorism monopolizes news media and political discussion, there is no greater need than to analyze the boundaries of the term 'terrorism' construction within social processes. One of the serious problems involving terrorism in Indonesia is to define an offense as terrorism. The laws of terrorism are existed. The judgment and conviction to terrorism suspects also have been made in various jurisdictions. Yet, the types of offenses constituted as terrorism are still unclear. Ordinary people, media, opinion makers, and law enforcement officers have socially constructed terrorism and have their own perceptions of terrorism. This condition leads to law uncertainty and, to some extent, it leads to victimization and stigmatization of innocent people because their appearances and social environments have been associated to terrorism. This study employed two approaches: Social construction and guilt by association theories.Terorisme sebagai Kejahatan yang Dibangun secara Sosial di IndonesiaAbstrakSetelah Bom Bali 12 Oktober 2002, yang dianggap sebagai serangan teroris terbesar di Indonesia, pemerintah Indonesia meluncurkan apa yang disebut 'perang melawan terorisme'. Undang-undang tentang terorisme segera diberlakukan dan diterapkan secara surut. Polisi Khusus untuk Memerangi Terorisme, yaitu Detasemen 88, dibentuk. Badan khusus untuk mengoordinasikan langkah-langkah anti-terorisme dengan cepat dibentuk, yaitu Badan Nasional Penanggulangan Terorisme atau Badan Anti-Terorisme Nasional. Oleh karena itu, terorisme di Indonesia telah menjadi 'permasalahan yang besar dan serius' sejak tahun 2002. Hal ini pun menimbulkan pertanyaan serius, bagaimana mendefinisikan dan menganggap kejahatan sebagai terorisme? Indonesia memang telah memberlakukan undang-undang tentang terorisme sejak tahun 2002, namun definisi ini tidak begitu jelas. Dan bahkan di forum internasional, tidak ada definisi tunggal, dan satu pihak setuju untuk mengartikan terorisme. Misalnya, sebuah kelompok bersenjata yang menyerang warga sipil di Sulawesi Tengah disebut sebagai teroris oleh negara, sementara kelompok militan yang menyerang dan menahan warga sipil yang disandera di Timika, Pulau Papua dicap sebagai kelompok kriminal bersenjata oleh negara. Di Jakarta Metropolitan, ada beberapa ancaman bom yang dibuat oleh individu pada tahun 2015 dan 2017. Namun demikian, lembaga penegak hukum tidak pernah menyebut mereka sebagai 'teroris', meskipun tindakan mereka pantas disebut sebagai 'terorisme serigala sendirian'. Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk mengidentifikasi sejauh mana terorisme telah dibangun secara sosial. Terorisme adalah istilah yang digunakan secara teratur oleh media berita dan politisi, dan apakah penerapannya tidak berpihak merupakan hal mendasar dalam perdebatan. Dalam masyarakat di mana terorisme internasional memonopoli media berita dan diskusi politik, tidak ada kebutuhan yang lebih besar selain menganalisis sejauh mana istilah 'terorisme' dibangun melalui proses sosial. Salah satu masalah serius yang melibatkan terorisme di Indonesia adalah tentang bagaimana mendefinisikan pelanggaran sebagai terorisme. Undang-undang tentang terorisme ada di sana, keputusan dan hukuman terhadap tersangka terorisme juga telah dibuat di berbagai yurisdiksi, namun, yang merupakan pelanggaran terorisme, masih belum jelas. Masyarakat biasa, media, pembuat opini dan aparat penegak hukum telah secara sosial membangun terorisme dan memiliki persepsi mereka tentang terorisme. Kondisi-kondisi ini kemudian mengarah pada ketidakpastian hukum, dan sampai batas tertentu, viktimisasi dan stigmatisasi kepada orang yang tidak bersalah, semata-mata karena penampilan dan lingkungan sosial mereka telah dikaitkan dengan terorisme. Makalah ini menggunakan dua pendekatan, yaitu konstruksi sosial dan sasa bersalah oleh teori asosiasi.DOI: https://doi.org/10.22304/pjih.v6n2.a4

Das Dissertationsprojekt untersucht den figurativen Bauschmuck von Bahnhöfen in Westeuropa und Nordamerika über den gesamten Zeitpunkt des "Eisenbahnzeitalters". Die Frage war, welche Themen für die Dekoration des neuen Bautyps als angemessen empfunden wurden und wie sie ikonographisch umgesetzt wurden. Da das Phänomen "Eisenbahn" die gesamte westliche (industrialisierte) Welt umfasste, galt es durch Vergleich sowohl diachron die Entwicklung von Themen und Darstellungsformen zu untersuchen als auch synchron die Übertragbarkeit der Ergebnisse auf andere nationale und kulturelle Umfelder zu überprüfen. Sowohl die Architekten und Ingenieure des 19. Jahrhunderts, als auch deren private oder staatliche Auftraggeber waren sich der repräsentativen Anforderungen ihrer Bahnhofsbauten bewusst. Dies zeigt sich neben dem Stil der Architektur vor allem in der festen und ephemeren Ausstattung – Bauskulptur, farbige Fenster, Mosaiken oder Wandgemälde spiegelten das soziale, kulturelle und politische Selbstverständnis des industrialisierten Bürgertums, das den Bahnhof zu seinem Repräsentationsbau machte. Die Dissertation bemüht sich um ein differenziertes Bild der sozial-, kultur- und technikgeschichtlichen Einflüsse auf das Dekor des Bautyps "Bahnhofs" im Laufe seiner Entwicklung. Dabei war die Gegenüberstellung der unterschiedlichen Programme der meist staatlichen Bahnhofsgebäude Kontinentaleuropas und der Ausstattungen der privat betriebenen Eisenbahngesellschaften Nordamerikas besonders aufschlussreich. Neben den klassischen Analysemethoden aus Kunst- und Architekturgeschichte nutzt die Arbeit Ansätze, Methoden und Theorien aus so unterschiedlichen Fachbereichen wie Technikgeschichte, Mobilitätsgeschichte, Tourismusgeschichte, Wirtschaftsgeschichte, Sozialgeschichte, Kulturgeschichte, Kulturwissenschaft, Religionswissenschaft, Rhetorik oder Soziologie. Die fünf Kapitel der Arbeit sind den wichtigsten Themen der Bahnhofsausstattung gewidmet: Wirtschaft, Technik, Infrastruktur, Tourismus und Politik, hier vor allem die Entwicklung der Nationalstaaten. Jedes der Kapitel führt Beispiele aus verschiedenen Regionen und Epochen als Beleg für die jeweilige Ausgangsthese an. Zugleich zeigen vertiefte Analysen von ein oder mehreren Austattungsprogrammen auf, wie die jeweiligen lokalspezifischen Umstände bei ähnlichen thematischen Aussagen zu sehr unterschiedlichen Ausformungen führten. So zeigt sich die in Kapitel 1 konstatierte Verwurzelung der Ausstattungsprogramme in der Kultur und dem Wertesystem des Industriebürgertums auch in der Darstellung der Industriearbeiterschaft (Kapitel 2) oder der weiblichen Bildungsreisenden (Kapitel 4). Diese Werte spiegeln sich auch in der Bevorzugung traditionell-allegorischer und der weitgehenden Ablehnung avantgardistischer Kunstformen für die Bahnhofsausstattung. Kapitel 2 beschäftigt sich mit der Eisenbahntechnologie als Motor der Industrialisierung, die in den Bahnhöfen, in der Selbstdarstellung der Akteure und ausgehend von der Fortschrittsgläubigkeit des 19. Jahrhunderts, selbstverständlich als durchgehend positiv vermittelt wird. Zugleich wird von der wirtschaftlichen und wissenschaftlichen Zusammenarbeit – z. B. neuen technischen Standards – auf eine zukünftig zunehmend politische Zusammenarbeit geschlossen. Dieses Thema – die weltweit zusammenwachsende Infrastruktur – ist das Thema von Kapitel 3, das die Selbstpositionierung der Bahnhöfe in der Stadt und der Region, sowie innerhalb des nationalen und internationalen Eisenbahnnetzes untersucht. Es zeigt sich, dass hier sowohl wirtschaftliche und touristische, als auch nationalpolitische Aussagen vorkommen können. Kapitel 4 bringt Beispiele dafür, wie sich in der Darstellung von Reisenden die Entwicklung des Massentourismus widerspiegelt, wobei auch hier die Darstellungen von einem bürgerlichen Wertekanon beeinflusst sind. Kapitel 5 vergleicht anhand von drei Regionen in unterschiedlichen Phasen der Nationalstaatenbildung, wie sich auch eindeutig politische Propaganda in der Bahnhofsausstattung manifestiert. Ohne den Anspruch auf Vollständigkeit zeigt die Arbeit, wie viel wir über die technischen, wirtschaftlichen, sozialen und kulturellen Errungenschaften des Eisenbahnzeitalters lernen können, wenn wir uns die Zeit nehmen, die Zeitzeugen – die reich geschmückten Bahnhofsgebäude in den Zentren unserer Städte – genauer zu betrachten. ; The PhD project examines "railway age" station embellishment focusing on Western Europe and North America. The object was to determine which topics were considered appropriate for the decoration of the new building type, and which iconography emerged. Since the railway was a phenomenon common in the entire Western industrialized world, the thesis compares diachronically the development of topics and forms as well as synchronically examining if the findings were true for different national and cultural environments. Nineteenth-century architects and engineers, as well as their private and national employers were aware of the representational role of station architecture. In addition to the buildings' style, this objective was expressed by embellishment: sculpture, stained glass windows, mosaics or murals which mirrored the social, cultural and political consciousness of the industrial middle classes. The dissertation fans out the influence of social and cultural history as well as history of technology on the development of railway station embellishment. The comparison of mostly nationalized railway buildings in continental Europe with their mostly privately owned counterparts in North America was also revealing. Tools for analysis stemmed not only from history of art and architecture, but also from disciplines as diverse as history of technology, mobility, tourism, and economy, social history, cultural history, sociology, rhetorics or religious studies. The thesis consists of five chapters dealing with the most common topics in railway embellishment: economy, technology, infrastructure, tourism and politics (focusing on nation building). Each chapter cites examples from different regions and epochs to support a main hypothesis derived from more detailed analyses of one ore more decoration programs that were idiosyncratic to their respective locale. Thus, chapter 1 examines the deep roots of station embellishment in the value system of the industrial middle classes, an underlying topic repeated in depictions of industrial workers in chapter 2 or female tourists in chapter 4. Middle-class values show also in a preference for traditional allegories and the repudiation of avant-garde art in station décor. Chapter 2 examines railway technology as motor of industrialization. A strong belief in progress together with the option of economic and scientific cooperation –e.g. new technological standards - led to the hope for future political cooperation. Chapter 3 further investigates this notion of a worldwide coalescing infrastructure by examining the position of stations within their city as well as within their regional, national and international networks. Objectives proclaimed in station décor are not merely aiming at the improvement of economy or tourism but also concern nation building. Chapter 4 examines the emerging mass tourism and the influence of middle-class values in the depiction of travelers, tourists, and destinations. Chapter 5 examines the different phases of nation building and the manifestation of political campaigning in three different regions. Without making claims to be complete the dissertation shines a light on the technological, economic, social and cultural achievements of the railway age mirrored in and witnessed by the railway stations in the centers of our cities.