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This article argues, after explaining the theory of just war, that the US-led invasion on Iraq was not morally justified. Furthermore, it explains why democratization cannot be a justification for aggression, neither from the legal nor from the ethical point of view. In addition, this article claims that the immorality of the war has been a crucial factor, because it has caused a low level of public support for the war and, consequently, has led to American military failures and failure of other coalition forces in Iraq. Finally, the author concludes that the Iraq war has shown that we do not live in a unipolar system of international relations and that the power of the USA was overestimated prior to the war. Adapted from the source document.

This article argues, after explaining the theory of just war, that the US-led invasion on Iraq was not morally justified. Furthermore, it explains why democratization cannot be a justification for aggression, neither from the legal nor from the ethical point of view. In addition, this article claims that the immorality of the war has been a crucial factor, because it has caused a low level of public support for the war and, consequently, has led to American military failures and failure of other coalition forces in Iraq. Finally, the author concludes that the Iraq war has shown that we do not live in a unipolar system of international relations and that the power of the USA was overestimated prior to the war. Adapted from the source document.

This article focuses on Kurdish security question in Iraq from 2003 to the present. Its central argument is that the security of the Kurdish region of Iraq has only constitutionally de-securitised since 2003. However, the Kurdish security demands in Iraq have been politicized by the different Iraqi governments since 2005, and therefore, security relations between the Iraqi state and the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) have been fraught with distrust, tensions, and chaos since that time. The concepts derived from the Copenhagen School (CS) provide the framework for discussing security relations and the inherent security struggles between the Iraqi state and the KRG.

The research article deals with the process of building or rebuilding the state in Iraq after 2003 in its various dimensions, in light of the vision and foundational procedures that were developed and supervised by the United States in cooperation with the new leaders of Iraq based on the mechanism of sectarianethnic representation, and diagnosing the imbalances that arose out of that vision and the accompanying procedures, which led to the emergence of new variables in the political process, especially in the post-ISIS* phase, which produced important challenges to the political system and the Iraqi state. The political dynamics and balances emerging after ISIS* represented at the same time opportunities and risks in the process of building the Iraqi state, as opportunities arose to transcend the identity policies adopted by the political system, and address the failures of the political process, and thus strengthen the path of state building, but the risks of those transformations seeking reform may push towards more state fragility, given the weakness of the political administration of the system in the face of the complexities of the political environment and its effects that were rooted in the p olitical system.

This article examines the development of a women's movement in Iraq since the invasion in 2003. It describes the types of activities and the strategies of different women activists, as well as highlighting the main divisions among them. The article also discusses the various ways in which the ongoing occupation and escalating violence in Iraq has shaped women's activism and the object of their struggles. Communal and sectarian tensions had been fostered by the previous regime as well as by the political opposition in exile prior to 2003, but the systematic destruction of national institutions, such as the army and the police, by the occupation forces, has led to a flare-up of the sectarian conflict. The article concludes by evaluating women's activism in terms of its contributions to conflict on the one hand and national reconciliation on the other.

The article examines the development of a women's movement in Iraq since the invasion in 2003. It describe the types of activities and the strategies of different women activists, as well as highlight the main divisions amongst them. The article also discusses the various ways in which the ongoing occupation and escalating violence in Iraq has shaped women's activism and the object of their struggles. Communal and sectarian tensions had been fostered by the previous regime as well as by the political opposition in exile prior to 2003, but the systematic destruction of national institutions, such as the army and the policy, by the occupation forces, has led to flare up of the sectarian conflict. The article concludes by evaluating women's activism in terms of its contributions to conflict on the one hand and national reconciliation on the other.