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This paper discussed the encounter of Indonesian Muslims toward the idea of secularism. Secularism since its rise in Europe in the 18th century has spread all over the world. Supporters of secularism have assumed that secularism is undeniable. People eventually will hold it and apply it in their life, including in the public space. However, in the context of the relationship between Islam and state in Indonesia, secularism thesis has been proven failed. During the Indonesian history, the relationship between Islam and state has been a hot discourse even until recently. Yet, this paper concluded that one thing is clear; Indonesian people, especially Indonesian Muslims, have rejected secularism. In the meantime, some have rejected theocratic state either. Muslims then have endlessly endeavored to reformulate a viable synthesis on the relationship between Islam and state in Indonesia. What Indonesia has now is among the efforts of Indonesian Muslims to have a better formulation on how Islam plays its role in the public space, including in the political sphere.

This work looks at the Islamic character of the Acehnese state in the 17th century. It examines not only its Islamic institutions but also its political culture and policies towards Islam. It includes a comparison of Aceh with other Islamic states in the region, especially Melaka and Mataram.

This work looks at the Islamic character of the Acehnese state in the 17th century. It examines not only its Islamic institutions but also its political culture and policies towards Islam. It includes a comparison of Aceh with other Islamic states in the region, especially Melaka and Mataram.

The problem that I have been dealing with over the last few years is how it might be possible to create a historical context for the study of South Indian religion. Like a number of other South Indian historians I have been concentrating on the rise and development of new states and chiefdoms during the late pre-colonial period — that is in the late seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, the period of European expansion in the sub-continent which preceded the consolidation of British imperial rule. My own work has focused on the role of shrines and holy places within these pre-colonial domains and chiefdoms.

The foundation of a State in Afghanistan by the Pashtun tribesmen in 1747 posed the question of a religious policy. The issue was not that of proselytism. Most of the Afghans did adhere to one or another form of Islam and the followers of other creeds did not even constitute one percent of the population. But the Islam adhered to by the tribesmen did not have Shari'a (Islamic Law) as its judicial basis and no religious tradition enforced allegiance to monarchs.

Islam and the state in Indonesia -- Contents -- Abbreviations -- Acknowledgements -- 1. Introduction: The Problem of Political Relationship between Islam and the State -- 2. Explaining the Uneasy Relationship: Political Antagonism between Islam and the State in Indonesia -- 3. Emergence of the New Islamic Intellectualism: Three Schools of Thought -- 4. Implications of the New Islamic Intellectualism: Ideas and Practices -- 5. Beyond Parties and Parliament: Reassessing the Political Approach of Islam -- 6. Reducing Hostility: The Accommodative Responses of the State -- 7. Conclusion: Towards an Integrated Political Relationship between Islam and the State -- 8. Political Islam in Post-Soeharto Indonesia: A Postscript -- Bibliography -- Index -- About the Author.

Even though study concerning Islam and politics has been conducted by many researchers, few of them investigating about compatibility of Islamic political thoughts, which originated from the classical and medieval periods that have been influencing Islamic political movements and thoughts in Indonesia, with Indonesian context. Thoughts of Imam al-Mawardi (lived in the 12th Century) and Taqiyuddin al-Nabhani (lived in the 20th Century) are some of them that should be mentioned in this regard. Islamic political thoughts of al-Mawardi become the main reference for Sunni Muslims who are majority in Indonesia, while Islamic political thought of al-Nabhani become the main guidance of HTI (Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia) movement of which its members and followers are many in Indonesia. This article investigates about the political thoughts of al-Mawardi and al-Nabhani concerning the relationship between Islam and state as well as their compatibility with Indonesian context. This study uses the library research in which its primary resources are books written by al-Mawardi entitled Al-Ahkam al-Sulthaniyah and al-Nabhani entitled Ad-Daulah al-Islamiyah. By utilizing qualitative content analysis, data were collected and analyzed. This article argues that the Islamic political thought of al-Mawardi has been adopted by majority of Indonesian Sunni Muslims with some adjustments with Indonesian context, so that his thoughts become compatible with the concept of modern nation-state of Indonesia. On the other side, Islamic political thought of al-Nabhani which developed within a spirit of resistance to Western (European) colonialism has been adopted and campaigned by HTI without adjustment with Indonesian context. This causes al-Nabhani's thought clashes with the concept of modern nation-state of Indonesia. ; Meskipun studi tentang pemikiran politik Islam di Indonesia sudah banyak dilakukan, masih sangat sedikit penelitian tentang kompatibilitas pemikiran politik Islam, yang berasal dari periode klasik dan pertengahan yang selama ini ...

Islam and the secular state in Indonesia -- Contents -- Preface -- Acknowledgements -- Abbreviations -- 1. Islamic Ideology and Utopias -- 2. Muslim Responses to Political Change -- 3. Model 1: Islamic Democratic State -- 4. Model 2: Religious Democratic State -- 5. Model 3: Liberal Democratic State -- 6. Continuity and Discontinuity of the Models -- 7. Conclusion -- Bibliography -- Index -- About the Author.

Examining the theoretical problems which arose when the modern European ideology of nationalism was adopted by Muslim societies organized into formally modern states, this book also deals with the practical difficulties arising from the doctrinal incompatibility between Islam and the non-Muslim concept of the territorial nation-state. It illustrates this conflict with a consideration of the record of several states in the Islamic world. It suggests that whereas the state, an organization of power, has been a most durable institution in Islamic history, the legitimacy of the nation-state has always been challenged in favour of the wide Islamic Nation, the "umma", which comprises all the faithful without reference to territorial boundaries. To this extent too, the more recent conception of Arab nationalism projects a far larger nation-state than the existing territorial states in the Arab world today. Description from http://www.amazon.co.uk (Dec. 21, 2011)

Wael B. Hallaq boldly argues that the ?Islamic state," judged by any standard definition of what the modern state represents, is both an impossible and inherently self-contradictory concept. Comparing the legal, political, moral, and constitutional histories of pre-modern Islam and Euro-America, he finds the adoption and practice of the modern state to be highly problematic for modern Muslims. He then conducts a more expansive critique of modernity's moral predicament, which renders impossible any project resting solely on ethical foundations.The modern state not only suffers from

"This volume offers a unique approach to the study of Ibn Taymiyyah, by offering an English translation of his fundamental political work, The Office of Islamic Government, and shorter collections from The Collected Fatwas and The Prophetic Way Against the Theology of the Shiites and Qadarites. The volume not only sheds light on fundamental primary source works, but also offers a theoretical analysis of Ibn Taymiyyah's thought and how his legal viewpoint can be reconciled with current trends in Islamic political thought"--