Analyse der historischen Entwicklung, der Organisationsstruktur und des politischen Aktivismus der "Islami Jami'at-i Tulaba", der Studentenorganisation der Islamischen Partei Pakistans (Jama'at-i Islami). Die historische und politische Bedeutung der Studentenorganisation liegt vor allem darin, daß sie die soziale Basis und die politischen Einflußmöglichkeiten der Mutterpartei erheblich erweitert hat. Daneben hat sie als Bollwerk gegen die Linke und ethnisch motivierte politische Kräfte gewirkt. Dennoch standen ihre politischen Aktivitäten nicht immer im Einklang mit dem religiösen Idealismus der Islamischen Partei. (DÜI-Hns)
Abstract This paper assesses the fundamental relation between the Islamic-political movements and establishment of the Islamic law (Shari'a). I argue against the critiques of western foreign policy and show that the Islamic State (Caliphate) is both a result of the historical process of the people of a region and the extreme interpretation of the text and Sunna which emphasizes on the traditional Sharia law and the concept of Jihad by fortifying political Islam qua militant Islam. I argue that the Islamic revival aims to a certain political order which threatens the world security and peace. Moreover, I argue that the structural violation of Human Rights is rooted in the traditional concept of Islamic law or Sharia, which obtains its immunity by an illegitimate power. This traditional Islamic law is the inalienable character of authoritarian/totalitarian regimes. This paper is based on the assumption that the extreme ideological/theoretical interpretation implies the empirical objectives of Militant Islamic community with or without any external influential elements. In this sense, we can address the question: how different interpretations and traditions in executing the Islamic Sharia give the social and political grounds a seed for the emergence of violence and terrorism. At the end, this paper ends with a propose which emphasizes on the role of international cooperation to find a resolution and also on the education as a long-term plan to defeat extremism and terrorism.
Front Cover -- Title Page -- Copyright -- Dedication -- Contents -- List of Illustrations -- List of Abbreviations -- Preface -- Acknowledgements -- 1. Introduction to the Status of Arab-Muslim Women -- 2. The Ulama, al-Azhar and the State in Contemporary Egypt -- 3. The Egyptian Feminist Movement: Past and Present -- 4. The Egyptian Constitution and its Influence on Women's Rights -- 5. Fieldwork and Data Presentation -- 6. Discussion of Findings -- Appendix I: Egyptian Constitution -- Appendix II: Map of Egypt -- Appendix III: Qena Governorate Map -- Appendix IV: Cairo Governorate Map
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The Masyumi Party, which was active in Indonesia from 1945 to 1960, constitutes the boldest attempt to date at reconciling Islam and democracy. Masyumi proposed a vision of society and government which was not bound by a literalist application of Islamic doctrine but rather inspired by the values of Islam. It set out moderate policies which were tolerant towards other religious communities in Indonesia. Its achievements were nonetheless precarious: it was eventually outlawed in 1960. Many of its leaders then turned to integralism, a radical doctrine echoing certain characteristics of 19th-century Catholic integralism, which contributed to the advent of Muslim neo-fundamentalism in Indonesia. This book examines the Masyumi Party from its roots in early 20th-century Muslim reformism to its contemporary legacy
Despite the attempts made by radical Islamists to engulf the political arena of post-Suharto Indonesia by promoting mandatory implementation of shari'a law and jihad, Indonesia has witnessed a new trend in the discourses, actions and movements that seek to push Islam into the center stage. The strategy of implementing the shari'a from below, promoting da'wa (Islamic proselytizing) and non-violent endeavors has been appealing and considered more appropriate to deal with the current situations. There is reason to believe that Indonesia today is in the throes of a post-Islamist path. A sort of synthesis between the call for Islam's importance for public life and democracy, post-Islamism has emerged to be an alternative to Islamist radicalism. Through its endeavour to fuse religiosity and rights, faith and freedom, as well as Islam and liberty, this post-Islamist alternative has enabled Muslims to express their religious beliefs and practices,without plunging into violence and joining a cycle of militancy.
Despite its adherence to the principles of democracy, Indonesia is currently trapped in conditions and situations over the emergence of a new government system based on Islam. The notion of extremism dominates society, both the general public and the political elite, and has even infiltrated the youth via the education system. Community mobilization movements in the name of religion in the political sphere indicate that extremism has spread and is gaining strength. The main focus of this research is to make a clearer distinction between radicalism and extremism from both a political and religious perspective. To answer this problem, this paper clarifies the meaning of the terms "extreme" and "radical" in the context of religious politics from the point of view of democracy and distinguishes the signs for the two dimensions of extremism and radicalism. Not only that, in this study there are also explanations related to religious phenomena which basically have an indirect relationship with politics and extremism. This study approach uses a qualitative method taken from the study of Borum and Schmid. It argues that the difference between extremism and radicalism rests on the existence of an ideology. Radicalism is a form of process in which there is agreement or disagreement on violence in tactical and temporal considerations, while the concept of extremism is considered a motive.
WHAT ARE WE TALKING ABOUT?; 1 Faith and Reason in Islam: Strategies in the Education of Muslim Communities; 2 Jihad; 3 The Takfir Syllogism; 4 What is Islamism?; 5 The Shari'a from a Secular Perspective; Notes
AbstractThis article explores the impact of Muslim organizations and Muslim political parties in Indonesia and Malaysia and their relationship to democracy. Questions addressed are as follows: How does the political system (broadly described) facilitate or constrain the goals of various Muslim organizations (both groups in society and political parties)? What roles do these Muslim organizations play in impacting politics and where (or in what areas of) in the political process are they most effective? Under what circumstances have Muslim associations and/or parties been a force for (or antagonistic to) democratization? Given the ethnic and regional diversity in Malaysia and Indonesia, the initial hypotheses for these questions are as follows: under authoritarian and semi-authoritarian rule Muslim organizations actually have greater opportunities to polarize rhetoric as they appeal to citizens based on claims of moral supremacy, fulfillment of social welfare needs, and some level of criticism of a restricted or corrupted political order. At different times the Pan-Malayan Islamic Association (PAS), the leading Muslim party in Malaysia (and a dominant opposition party) has had limited appeal to voters. Under more democratic conditions, Islamic groups or parties may need to moderate their appeals, and/or build coalitions with secular or non-Islamic groups in order to win power and influence in the larger political system. Muslim political parties exist in both Malaysia and Indonesia; their power and influence have varied over time. This project aims to explain why these parties have had more support at some times than others and under what conditions they may moderate their demands and policy choices to accommodate pluralist leanings.
