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U usporedbi s drugim pričama u knjizi Dablinci, priči "Pansion" pridavalo se relativno malo pozornosti. Jedan od razloga jest njezina očita jednostavnost u odnosu na druge priče u ovoj knjizi. To je, naizgled, stara priča, poput narodne, o tome kako spletkarske majka i kći prevare naivnoga muškarca. Namjera je ovoga rada demonstrirati uistinu profinjenu strategiju pripovijedanja, kako se "varanje" Boba Dorana najbolje razumijeva u usporedbi sa serijom drugih duplikata, dvojnika, priča koje ju dopunjuju te kroz takvo štivo ponuditi objašnjenje seksualne/tekstualne politike u priči "Pansion". S tim ciljem autor je krenuo od širokih razmatranja ove priče i konteksta djela kao cjeline, progresivno do posebnih koncepata pripovijedanja i jezika, završavajući s gramatičkim ispitivanjem jedne riječi. ; Compared with many of the stories in Dubliners, "The Boarding House" has received relatively little attention. This is due perhaps to its apparent "simplicity" when compared with the other stories in the volume. It is, on the surface, an old story, the folktale-like tricking of the naive male by a scheming mother and daughter. It is the purpose of this paper to demonstrate just how sophisticated the narrative strategy really is, how the "duping" of Bob Doran is best read against/within a series of other duplications, or doublings, or counterparts, and through such a reading to offer an explication of the sexual/textual politics of "The Boarding House." In order to do this I move from a broad consideration of the story in the context of the volume as a whole to a progressively more particular concern with narrative and language, ending with the grammatical interrogation of one word.

This article is aimed at expanding the democratic tool kit of mechanisms for public consultation. It is aimed at showing that it is indeed possible to combine inclusiveness & thoughtfulness -- rather than force us to choose between them. The author's institutional innovations for combining the two democratic aspirations are deliberative polls & Deliberation day. The article shows that these mechanisms of public consultation manage to avoid contentions that mass participation undermines collective thoughtfulness. Adapted from the source document.

A book about 12 inspiring Welsh women from all walks of life and from all parts of Wales: Amy Dillwyn, Betsi Cadwaladr, Kate Bosse- Griffiths, Hayley Gomez, Jade Jones, Frances Hoggan, Mair Russell- Jones, Eileen Beasley, Betty Campbell, Laura Ashley, Angharad Tomo s, Tori James, Gwendoline a Margaret Davies. A visually appealing, fun-filled.

The dispute between liberalism & protectionism is analyzed on two levels: theoretical & practical. First, there is the conflict between A. Smith's liberalism & F. List's economic nationalism. Over the years, Milton Friedman & James Tobin have become leaders of opposing camps. The cutting edge of the debate has been blunted, but the remaining bones of contention are still micro- & macro-issues of national & international economy. The global conflict between liberalism & protectionism has for now ended in a stalemate between regional liberalism & global protectionism. Adapted from the source document.

The author describes James Buchanan's theory of political constitution & his individualist understanding of political science. On the basis of homo economicus, Buchanan deduced the normative elements of political science, ie, the proposals for the choice of political institutions. In his opinion, the choice of political institutions always contains the ethical dimension. The positive elements of political science are illustrated by means of the analyses of the behavior of political actors within the designated framework. The author shows how this type of radical individualism does not satisfy the standards of political science since, de facto, it does away with the political sphere. Adapted from the source document.

Ovaj se rad bavi jezičnom politikom i društvenim promjenama koje su se dogodile u Hrvatskoj za vrijeme i nakon rata koji je trajao od 1991. do 1995. godine. Počinjem opisom povijesne pozadine, rata i devedesetih godina 20. stoljeća, koje je obilježila velika količina jezičnog purizma i preskriptivizma u Hrvatskoj te stvaranje postjugoslavenskih država u kojima je pripadanje naciji predstavljalo ključ za definiranje državljanstva. Istraživanjem odnosa između promjena u jezičnom i društvenom poretku, problematiziram više tema. Tvrdim da je zakonski okvir prava manjinskog jezika osnažio i legitimizirao nacionalistički imaginarij, stvarajući daljnje društvene podjele i učvršćujući hijerarhije koje među nacionalnim kategorijama promoviraju određeni nacionalisti. Iz tog razloga, tvrdim da nekritičko odobravanje ili promoviranje lingvističke različitosti mogu biti opasni. Nadalje, u aktivističko-antropološkom smislu, razlažem moguće razloge zbog kojih su znanstvenici društvenih i humanističkih znanosti rijetko sudjelovali u sociolingvističkim raspravama koje se tiču novog hrvatskog standardnog jezika. Tvrdim da bi takvim raspravama u znatnoj mjeri doprinijelo sudjelovanje znanstvenika humanističkih i društvenih znanosti, jer bi se stvorila veza između sociolingvistike i ostalih grana humanističkih i društvenih znanosti te bi se tako odmaknuli od, prema mojem sudu problematične, politike usredotočene na "identitet". ; This paper focuses on language policy and social changes which have taken place in Croatia during and since the 1991-5 war. I first describe the historical background, the war and the nineties being marked by excesses of linguistic purism and prescriptivism, alongside the formation of post-Yugoslav states in which national belonging was key to defining citizenship. Through examining the relationship between changing linguistic and social orders, I raise a number of issues for discussion. I argue that the legal framework of minority language rights has consolidated and legitimated a nationalist imaginary, increasing social divisions and reinforcing hierarchies asserted by some nationalists between national categories. For this reason, I suggest that the uncritical endorsement of or promotion of linguistic diversity can be dangerous. Second, in an activist-anthropological vein, I discuss possible reasons why academics trained in the social sciences and humanities have rarely participated in sociolinguistic debates concerning the new Croatian standard. I suggest such discussions could greatly benefit from interventions by social scientists, so as to bring sociolinguistics into contact with other strands of the social sciences and humanities and move away from what I believe to be a problematic policy focus on "identity".

The author demonstrates the importance of public finances as a source of the theory of public choice. He identifies the contributions of the continental theorists of public choice from the late 19th & early 20th centuries, particularly that of the Swedish economist Knut Wicksell. The author considers his concept of the method of fair taxation the central source of the theory of public choice by James Buchanan & other representatives of the Virginian school. In the author's opinion, Wicksell's approach is basically normative, but the author's detailed analysis of Wicksell's key work on the theory of fair taxation points to a series of salient points that are redolent of the positive theory of public choice as it was mapped out in the mid-20th century. 18 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author looks into the methodological features of public choice theory. Drawing on James Buchanan's contribution, he demonstrates the differences between that kind of approach (often dubbed political economy) vs welfare economics & mainstream economics. Unlike welfare economics, which tries to work out the optimal state of allocation & distribution of economic resources by using certain logical rules based on Pareto principles, or mainstream economics, which tries to identify the improvements in observable economic categories (such as national income or investment consumption), political economy encompasses the process of collective decision making, ie, politics. In this, the efficacy criterion is the extent of consent (consensus) in collective decision making. The author concludes that Buchanan & G. Tullock's joint contribution in The Calculus of Consent paved the way for introducing a legitimate categorical mechanism for investigating the costs of political decision making in political science. 3 Figures, 25 References. Adapted from the source document.