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Det er en pågående debatt i akademia om hvorvidt og hvordan man kan benytte avskrekkingsteori i cyberdomenet. Avskrekking var originalt en teori utviklet for å unngå konvensjonell eller nukleær krig. I diskusjonen om cybersikkerhet har det blitt påpekt en rekke tekniske problemer med å overføre en teori fra den fysiske verden til cyberdomenet. Vi anerkjenner disse tekniske utfordringene ved avskrekking i cyberdomenet, men i denne artikkelen ønsker vi å belyse et annet aspekt ved avskrekking, nemlig samspillet mellom sosiale og tekniske faktorer ved avskrekking i cyberdomenet. I denne artikkelen vil vi diskutere hvordan avskrekking som strategi i cyberdomenet vil påvirkes av den spesifikke strategiske kulturen i et land. For å belyse argumentet vil vi benytte Kina som en casestudie. Motsetninger mellom kinesisk og «vestlig» strategisk kultur resulterer i konkrete forskjeller i hvordan Kina og vestlige land agerer i cyberdomenet. Ved å benytte fire komponenter av avskrekkingsteori (nektelse, gjengjeldelse, gjensidig avhengighet og normer) ønsker vi å vise hvordan en dyptgående innsikt i en stats sikkerhetspolitikk og strategiske kultur kan anvendes til å skreddersy en mer effektiv avskrekkingsstrategi og styrke evnen til å forhindre uønsket aktivitet.
Abstract in English
There is an ongoing debate in academia about if and how deterrence theory may be used in cyberspace. Deterrence was originally a theory developed for avoiding conventional and nuclear war. In the current discussion on cyber security, there has been pointed out a range of technical problems of transferring a theory about the physical world to cyberspace. We recognize these challenges of deterrence in cyberspace, but in this article we want to shed light on a different aspect of deterrence. That is the interplay between social and technical factors of deterrence in cyberspace. In this article we will discuss how deterrence as a strategy in cyberspace is influenced by the specific strategic culture of a country. We will use China as a case study to showcase our argument. Contrasts between Chinese and "Western" strategic culture results in concrete differences in how Chinese and Western countries act in cyberspace. By utilizing four components of deterrence theory (denial, punishment, entanglement and norms), we will show how an in-depth knowledge of a state's security policy and strategic culture may be used to tailor a more effective deterrence and enforce the capacity of hindering unwanted activity.

The establishment of the cultural and educational organization "Kultur-Lige" was performed as a result of Jewish-Ukrainian cooperation at the period of Ukrainian People's Republic. The newly founded Ministry of Jewish affairs supported the Kultur-Lige in development of the new secular Jewish culture. The article analyzed the newly implemented sources that showed the activities of the secular Jewish culture in the domain of the publishing section. The main methods, used in the article, are the method of synthetic analysis. The method of retrospection was also used by the author. The article is about publishing activity of the Kultur-Lige in Kyiv in 1918–1931. The publishing section identifies as the most fruitful of organization. The proposed education conception of Kultur-Lige required the new education materials. The preparation and publishing of such materials were provided by publishing section. Among the other, the section published fiction, literature for children and periodical publication in Yiddish. The article analyses two periods of the section: the period of independence (before 1921) and the Soviet period (1921–1931). Despite the total liquidation of the organization by the Soviet government, the publishing house continue its activities till 1931. According to these Kyiv in the middle of 1920th received the status of the leading Yiddish publishing city in Eastern Europe.

Danmark har i årene siden den kolde krigs afslutning udviklet sig til at være en permanent krigsførende nation. Den militære aktivisme er karakteriseret ved meget forskellige typer af engagementer, både hvad angår antallet af udsendte og deres mandat, indlejring i forskellige internationale organisationer og koalitioner, og udsendelser til forskellige dele af verden. Den danske vilje til aktivt at fastholde en status som bidragende og konstruktiv allieret gennem deltagelse i internationale operationer er drevet af en opfattelse af USA som afgørende for Danmarks nationale sikkerhed og understøttet af en aktivistisk og pragmatisk strategisk kultur. Den militære aktivisme er på den baggrund robust. Samtidig er der tegn på forandring i finansiering, geografisk fokus og valg af samarbejdspartnere.
Abstract in EnglishConstant Activism in a War with No End: Security, Status and Strategic Culture in Danish Foreign PolicyDanish foreign policy is militarily activist. Danish military activism is characterized by very different types of engagements and deployments regarding the number of troops and their legal mandate, political aims, institutional frameworks and geographical focus. The continuing Danish will to actively maintain its status as a contributing and constructive ally through participation in international military operations is driven by a perception of the United States as crucial to Denmark's national security and supported by an activist and pragmatic strategic culture. For these reasons, Danish military activism is robust, despite indications of change in financing, geographical focus and choice of partners.

I 2001 besluttet Stortinget en vesentlig endring i forsvarskonsept og en betydelig reduksjon i forsvarsstrukturen. Forsvarets hovedoppgave skulle ikke lenger være å utgjøre et mobiliseringsbasert invasjonsforsvar. Beslutningen var et brudd med forsvarskonseptet som hadde dominert norsk forsvarsplanlegging under den kalde krigen og i tiåret som fulgte. Hvorfor ble invasjonsforsvaret forlatt, og hva ble Forsvarets nye hovedoppgave? Artikkelen argumenterer for at det finnes tre dominerende og delvis konkurrerende forklaringer på omleggingen av Forsvaret: en sikkerhetspolitisk, en kulturell og en økonomisk. Den første tilnærmingen ser beslutningen som drevet av et ønske om å bidra mer i utenlandsoperasjoner for å bli oppfattet som en «god alliert» i NATO og USA. Den andre forklarer overgangen med en kulturell endring der en ny og mer «internasjonalisert» forsvarspolitisks diskurs vant frem blant norske beslutningstakere. Den tredje ser endringen som et uunngåelig resultat av invasjonsforsvarets manglende økonomiske bærekraft.
Abstract in English:Security Policy, Culture or Defence Economics? Competing Explanations for the Transformation of the Norwegian Armed Forces after the Cold WarIn 2001, the Storting – Norway's parliament – decided on a significant change in Norway's national defence concept and a significant reduction in the defence structure. The Armed Forces' main task should no longer be to constitute a mobilization-based territorial defence force. The decision was a break with the defence concept that had dominated Norwegian defence planning during the Cold War and in the decade that followed. Why was territorial defence abandoned, and what became the Armed Forces' new main task? The article argues that there are three dominant and partly competing explanations for the transformation of the Armed Forces: a security policy explanation, a cultural explanation and an economic explanation. The first approach sees the decision as driven by a desire to contribute more in international operations in order to be perceived as a "good ally" in NATO and the United States. The second explains the transformation with cultural changes among Norwegian decision-makers, through which a new and more "internationalized" defence policy discourse became dominant. The third sees the change as the inevitable result of the financial unsustainability of the old status quo in the Armed Forces.

Siden Gulfkrigen i 1991 har skandinaviske land deltatt i nesten 30 år med sammenhengende krig, på blant annet Balkan, i Afghanistan, i Irak, Libya, Mali og Syria. Hvordan kan vi forstå denne formen for militæraktivisme? Tradisjonelle teorier fra realismen, institusjonalismen og konstruktivismen gir ingen gode svar. Innenfor organisasjonsteorien derimot, finnes det forklaringer knyttet til begrepet «strategisk kultur». Ved å utforske den strategiske kulturen i USAs militære styrker under krigene i Afghanistan, Irak og Libya trer det frem et tydelig mønster: det bombes for mye på militær side, og det snakkes for lite på diplomatisk side. I USAs doktriner levnes det lite til overs for dialog, forhandling og kompromiss. Dermed blir den strategiske kulturen innad i de militære styrkene et outrert uttrykk for en krigføringsform der operasjonene ses på som et null-sum spill. Resultatet blir oftest systemkollaps i statene som angripes. Denne kulturen har store konsekvenser for små skandinaviske allianseavhengige land: knappe forsvarsressurser trekkes inn i hengemyrerer det er vanskelig å komme ut av, ikke minst fordi koalisjonslederen selv, USA, forårsaker dem.
Abstract in English:How Should Scandinavian Military Activism Be Understand?Since the 1991 Gulf War, Scandinavian states have continuously been engaged in various international operations, i.e. on the Balkans, in Afghanistan, in Iraq, Libya, Mali and Syria. How can we comprehend this peculiar form of Scandinavian military activism? Traditional theories derived from realism, institutionalism and constructivism provides few convincing explanations. Within organisational theory however, plausible explanations may be found though the concept of 'strategic culture'. By exploring the military culture prevailing inside US forces operating in Afghanistan, Iraq and Libya, a consistent pattern arises: too much bombing from the military side, coupled with insufficient diplomatic talks. Little effort is paid to dialogue, negotiations and compromises. US warfighting thereby becomes a one-dimensional expression of a zero-sum game where the winner takes it all. The result is a collapse inside the states that are attacked. This culture has grave consequences for small Scandinavian allies: scarce military resources are trapped into a quagmire made by the coalition leader itself, the United States.

Forside; Titelside; Kolofon; Indhold; Forord; Indledning (Frits Andersen og Jakob Ladegaard); Fortiden i nutiden (Gunvor Simonsen); Døde rotter under Christiansborg (Pernille Ipsen og Hermann Von Hesse); Slavefortællinger som flerstrenget erindring (Frits Andersen); Den grumme arv (Alex Frank Larsen); Oplyst slaveri? (Jakob Ladegaard og Sine Jensen Smed); En spøgelseshistorie (Elisabeth Skou Pedersen); Mediestorme om kolonihistoriens aftryk i dansk visuel kultur (Mathias Danbolt); Slavesagen litterært betragtet (Hans Hauge)

Mych. Hruševsʹkyj ; [Kleinruss.]. - [Die kulturell-nationale Bewegung in der Ukraine im 16. u. 17. Jh.] ; Volltext // Exemplar mit der Signatur: München, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek -- Russ. 261 x

»Totalitäre Herrschaft gleich der Tyrannis trägt den Keim ihres Verderbens in sich. So wie Furcht und die Ohnmacht, aus der sie entspringt, ein antipolitisches Prinzip und eine dem politischen Handeln konträre Situation darstellen, so sind Verlassenheit und das ihr logisch-ideologische Deduzieren zum Ärgsten hin eine antisoziale Situation und ein alles menschliche Zusammensein ruinierendes Prinzip. Dennoch ist organisierte Verlassenheit erheblich bedrohlicher als die unorganisierte Ohnmacht aller, über die der tyrannisch-willkürliche Wille eines einzelnen herrscht. Ihre Gefahr ist, daß sie die uns bekannte Welt, die überall an ein Ende geraten scheint, zu verwüsten droht, bevor wir die Zeit gehabt haben, aus diesem Ende einen neuen Anfang erstehen zu sehen, der an sich in jedem Ende liegt, ja, der das eigentliche Versprechen des Endes an uns ist.« Am Grunde des Denkens von Hannah Arendt liegen die Erfahrungen des 20. Jahrhunderts. Zwei Weltkriege und die Shoah haben Verwüstung hinterlassen, wo vorher die alten Welten der abendländischen Kultur bestanden hatten. Damit ist auch der Glauben an humanistische Werte, der Glaube daran, dass der Mensch dem Menschen kein Wolf sein muss, in seinen Grundfesten erschüttert. Die Welt liegt in Trümmern und mit ihr die Menschen. Wie also weiter leben?

Die ukrainischen Hetmane spielten eine Doppelrolle in den sich 'aneinander reibenden' diplomatischen Gepflogenheiten zwischen Russland und Polen-Litauen. Einerseits trugen ihre eigenstaatlichen Forderungen des Öfteren zu Komplikationen bei und zogen die Verhandlungen in die Länge, weil sie Misstrauen und Argwohn der Teilnehmer erregten. Andererseits erleichterte die aktive Vermittlerrolle der Hetmane und ihre Einsicht in die Eigenart der höfischen Kultur beider Länder in vielerlei Hinsicht die Herstellung von diplomatischen Kontakten. Das Hetmanat Ivan Mazepas ist das beste Beispiel dafür. Mazepas Gaben bekundeten seine außenpolitischen Absichten: zu Anfang der Hetmanatszeit die eines russischen Untertans, später die eines unabhängigen Herrschers. Den Bestand und die Menge der Gaben, die er vom russischen Zaren und von anderen europäischen Monarchen erhalten hatteerhielt, kann man als Auszeichnung für seinen ehrenhaften Dienst und als Anerkennung seines partnerschaftlichen Status im Spiel der Außenpolitik betrachten. Diese Doppelnatur der Diplomatie und der Gaben existierte bis hin zum Übertritt Mazepas ins Lager des schwedischen Königs Karls XII. Der Sieg Russlands beiin der Schlacht von Poltava bedeutete die Auflösung des Zaporoger Hetmanats und die Festigung Russlands als eines Imperiums.

Sprogforum 65 sAetter fokus pa det komplekse begreb literacy og belyser resultaterne af tre artiers udvikling i synet pa lAesning og skrivning fra at vAere en individuel fAerdighed til at vAere led i andre sociale, erkendelsesmAessige og lAeringsmAessige sammenhAenge og praksisser. Skiftet har haft gennemgribende praktiske konsekvenser for bade forskning og undervisning, og begrebet forpligter i forhold til synet pa sprog, kultur og lAering. I Sprogforum 65 diskuterer forfatterne literacy i eksempler, der spAender bredt fra skriveridentitet og skrivepraktikker over digital etik og kritisk mediebevidsthed til borns semiotiske erfaringer i spil som Minecraft. Forhabningen er at bidrage til den sprogligt-kommunikative literacy-praksis i alle former for uddannelse og pa alle niveauer

Artikkelen diskuterer EUs nye forsvarspakke med særlig vekt på CARD (Coordinated Annual Review on Defence), PESCO (Permanent Structured Cooperation) og EDF (European Defence Fund). Formålet er å styrke EU som sikkerhetspolitisk aktør og legge grunnlaget for europeisk strategisk autonomi. Forsvarspakken utfordrer norsk sikkerhets-, forsvars- og forsvarsindustripolitikk. Problemstillingene artikkelen besvarer er: Hvilke konsekvenser får de nyere EU-initiativene for norsk forsvarsindustri- og forsvarsforskningspolitikk? Hvordan opptrer myndighetene (Forsvarsdepartementet; FD) slik at Norge er i stand til å opprettholde en nasjonal forsvarsindustri? Vi legger instrumentelle og institusjonelle teorier og perspektiver til grunn for analysen. Instrumentelle teorier forteller at aktørene handler formålsrasjonelt etter en konsekvenslogikk. Institusjonelle teorier forteller at aktørene søker legitimitet, og handler i tråd med etablert kultur og forventninger i omgivelsene. EU får en økende betydning der unionens sikkerhets- og forsvarspolitikk blir likere EUs andre politikkområder. Et flernivåperspektiv blir derfor relevant for et område som tidligere var forbeholdt medlemsstatene. Våre intervjuer med representanter for norske myndigheter og forsvarsindustri forteller at de har fragmentert kunnskap om og forventninger til betydningen av EUs forsvarspakke. Vi konkluderer at aktørene har en instrumentell tilnærming, men at manglende helhetlig forståelse gjør det vanskelig å svare formålsrasjonelt. Aktørene handler derfor også i tråd med et kulturperspektiv.
Abstract in English:What Now, Norwegian Defence Industry? Instrumental and Institutional Answers to the EU's New Security and Defence PoliciesThe article discusses the EU's new defence package with emphasis on CARD (Coordinated Annual Review on Defence), PESCO (Permanent Structured Cooperation) and EDF (European Defence Fund). The aim is to strengthen the EU as a security actor and encourage strategic autonomy. This package challenges Norwegian security-, defence-, and defence industrial policies. The research questions are: What consequences will these EU-initiatives have for Norwegian defence industry- and defence research policy? How will the authorities (Ministry of Defence; MoD) act to maintain a national defence industry? We apply instrumental and institutional theories. Instrumental theories expect rational actions in accordance with logic of consequences. Institutional theories expect appropriate actions in line with established culture and expectations in their surroundings. The EU's security and defence policy becomes more similar with other fields of EU policies. Therefore, a multilevel governance approach is relevant. Our interviews with representatives for Norwegian authorities and defence industry tell that they have fragmented knowledge and expectations about the significance of the defence package. We conclude that the authorities act instrumentally, but lack of a comprehensive understanding makes it difficult to answer rationally. The authorities therefore also act according to a cultural perspective.

The article is devoted to the research of socialist realism canon in Ukrainian literature. This canon is considered an artificially modeled power project in the sphere of culture and literature which aimed at creating a monostylistic system with clearly defined rules and recommended schemes, especially including thought-out characters understandable for the mass Soviet reader in order to monopolize power at all levels and to establish a new Soviet identity ("homo sovieticusˮ). The socialist realism canon is a complex and heterogeneous phenomenon. It imposed patterns for analysing and reflecting on reality in art and culture. From the 1930s, any texts following the authorities' regulations acquired a typical structure, predictable and recognizable features that turned literature into a mass-produced uniform "artistic" product. The task of such a governmental experiment was both to transform the world, and to change the way reality was perceived. The aesthetized falsification of existence, the clear domination of everything "ideological" and "totalitarian" in the field of culture, shaping the socialist realistic theory as a process of politicizing artistic consciousness - these are the blocks that determined the formation and functioning of the socialist realism canon of Ukrainian literature. The publication reflects a new vision of the problem of the literary representation of the Soviet Pantheon of Heroes in the socialist realism texts, in particular novels by Natan Rybak, Yurii Zbanatskyi, Oles Honchar, Andrii Malyshko, Natalia Zabila etc. Basically, the idea is that in order to build a bright future the Soviet system needed a new man, so all the forces were thrown into the "newanthropological typeˮ. The article deals with the modeling role of the hero-warrior in the socialist realism text. This image was established in the mass consciousness by means of propaganda and agitation. ; Przedstawiony artykuł proponuje analizę kanonu socrealistycznego w ukraińskich tekstach literackich, należących do autorów okresu sowieckiego, takich jak Natan Rybak, Jurij Zbanacki, Ołeś Honczar, Andrij Małyszko, Natalia Zabiła itd. Według licznych badań ów kanon jest traktowany jako ideologiczny projekt w zakresie kultury oraz literatury, którego zadaniem było formowanie odrąbnej tożsamości (homo sovieticus) oraz absolutyzacja władzy sowieckiej na różnych poziomach życia, zarówno państwowego, jak i prywatnego. W tekstach kultury kanon socrealizmu był powołany do stworzenia monostylistycznego systemu ze ścisłymi regułami, rozpisanymi schematami, specjalnie przewidzianymi typami bohaterów. Socrealistyczny kanon narzucał kulturze i sztuce schematy analizy i odzwierciedlenia nie prawdziwej, lecz wyimaginowanej rzeczywistości. Już od lat 30. XX wieku literatura reprezentuje liczne teksty odpowiadające regułom stylu ideologicznego. Wówczas literatura zostaje przekształcona w produkt kultury masowej, mający typową strukturę przewidywalności i uznawalności. Celem takiego eksperymentu nad literaturą piękną było zarównoprzekształcenie kultur narodów podbitych przez ZSRR, jak i zmiana sposobu odbioru rzeczywistości. Estetyzacja i fałszowanie sowieckiego trybu życia, powszechna dominacja pierwiastków ideologicznegooraz totalitarnego w zakresie kultury, formowanie socrealistycznej teorii jako procesu polityzacji świadomości artystycznej — to czynniki decydujące o rozwoju i funkcjonowaniu kanonu literatury ukraińskiej okresu sowieckiego. Autorka artykułu proponuje nowe ujęcie literackiej reprezentacji sowieckiego panteonu bohaterów w tekstach socrealistycznych. System sowiecki, budując utopię o nastaniu "świetlanej przyszłości", potrzebował "nowego człowieka", na kształtowanie którego były skierowane wszelkie starania. A zatem główną uwagę w danym badaniu skupiono na roli obrazu bohatera walki w socrealistycznym tekście. Obraz ów na skutek propagandy i agitacji zapisał się na długi czas w świadomości zbiorowej. ; The article is devoted to the research of socialist realism canon in Ukrainian literature. This canon is considered an artificially modeled power project in the sphere of culture and literature which aimed at creating a monostylistic system with clearly defined rules and recommended schemes, especially including thought-out characters understandable for the mass Soviet reader in order to monopolize power at all levels and to establish a new Soviet identity ("homo sovieticusˮ). The socialist realism canon is a complex and heterogeneous phenomenon. It imposed patterns for analysing and reflecting on reality in art and culture. From the 1930s, any texts following the authorities' regulations acquired a typical structure, predictable and recognizable features that turned literature into a mass-produced uniform "artistic" product. The task of such a governmental experiment was both to transform the world, and to change the way reality was perceived. The aesthetized falsification of existence, the clear domination of everything "ideological" and "totalitarian" in the field of culture, shaping the socialist realistic theory as a process of politicizing artistic consciousness - these are the blocks that determined the formation and functioning of the socialist realism canon of Ukrainian literature. The publication reflects a new vision of the problem of the literary representation of the Soviet Pantheon of Heroes in the socialist realism texts, in particular novels by Natan Rybak, Yurii Zbanatskyi, Oles Honchar, Andrii Malyshko, Natalia Zabila etc. Basically, the idea is that in order to build a bright future the Soviet system needed a new man, so all the forces were thrown into the "newanthropological typeˮ. The article deals with the modeling role of the hero-warrior in the socialist realism text. This image was established in the mass consciousness by means of propaganda and agitation.