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- Nationale und universale Kulturwerte + - Kulturpolitik der Partei + - Vergesellschaftung der Kultur + - Gesellschaftliches Kulturklima + Selektiv aus dem Inmhalt: + - Kulturpotential der Provinz und der Großstädte + - Verhältnis Ideologie-Kultur

Politische und theoretische Auseinandersetzungen um die parteiliche Kulturpolitik zwischen Regierung,Journalisten,Schriftstellern,Künstlern und Wissenschaftlern im Rahmen des Kongresses der polnischen Kultur am 11.12.1981. BIOst/Crp

Die Sozialdoktrin der Katholischen Kirche nach dem Stand des Jahres 1983. Entwicklung des katholischen sozialen Denkens bei Johannes Paul II. und Probleme der modernen Arbeitswelt und der Entfremdung in den päpstlichen Deutungen. Interpretativer Kommentar zur neuen Strategie des Vatikans als Reaktion auf die Krise der weltlichen Kultur aus polnisch-atheistischer Sicht. BIOst/Crp

The author has made an attempt to theoretically - by referring to empirical evidence - formulate the necessary conditions that allow participatory processes to happen. In this perspective, participation is not only an ethical requirement but primarily a mechanism that supports taking up the challenges posed by the increasing complexity of the social world. The examples presented in the article show that participation has a very strong 'competitor': clientelism. In the spaces where the latter forms the base of the relations between the government and society, it is difficult to find a well-rooted and sustainable presence of participatory processes. The author thus presents a hypothesis that the logic of clientelism, together with the lack of the ability to recognise the importance of resource interdependence, has the ability to weaken participation, or in other words, wash it out in a specific way. Clientelism strives to maximise the control over resources. This can, in some cases, support the realisation of development goals or be effective in particular governmental arrangements (e.g. the transformation in Poland in the 90s of the 20th century), however, it also deepens the passivity and in the long run can lead to a decrease in the value of some resources or even their loss. In this context, participation is thus understood mainly as an expression of caring for the owned and acquired resources and as the recognition of their interdependence.

The author analyses the factors that weaken the influence of the principles of meritocracy on the institutions and public policy. He indicates that a meritocratic approach to governance in the programming of public actions has become a resource for obtaining legitimacy of power in Poland to a limited extent. The advantages of meritocracy (the "efficiency" and "justice") have not been exploited on a significant scale. As a result, there is a significant illegitimacy of the democratic system, as well as the weakening of the society identification with the state. This phenomenon is characterized by low prestige of politicians and a poor voter turnout. The author draws attention to the fact that meritocratic management mechanisms of public institutions in Poland are significantly reduced due to numerous factors - the appropriation of the state by political parties, institutional nomadism of the elite, the rules of political capitalism, a soft state and the institutionalization of non-responsibility or activities of various interest groups and backstage actors of politics.