The article observes some aspects of strategic planning and prognostication in the context of increasing effectiveness of the Russian Federation international activity. The author examines main reasons for drawing attention to the subject of strategic planning at post-soviet planning. In this connection, the author takes up some practical works of the leading western countries. The focus is on practical significance of the legislative basis, which has been created in the Russian Federation. This legislative has given for the Russian Ministry for Foreign Affairs ability to work up its own system of long-distance planning, monitoring and prognostication. The article contains some proposals toward improving the mechanism of strategic planning in the interests of Russian international policy.
The paper focuses on the issue of theoretical and methodological justification of monetary policy and its tools. A review of Russian economists' theoretical approaches to this problem allowed the authors to identify theoretical, methodological and applied bases of evaluation of monetary policy of the Bank of Russia. The paper presents the authors' view of the scientific discussion on appropriateness of the monetary policy adopted by the Bank of Russia for the current state of the economy. The authors reveal principle distinctions between theoretical arguments of the supporters of the Bank's monetary policy and their opponents. The research theoretically and conceptually validates the changes in basic definitions and ideas contributing to the existing understanding of inflation in the monetary policy of the Bank of Russia. The analysis of macroeconomic theory and actual monetary policy gives grounds to conclude about their strong correlation. The suggested review of theoretical approaches to the problem studied will allow determining theoretical, methodological and applied rationale for monetary policy more accurately.
The article, consisting of three thematic blocks, presents an interpretation of the main trends in the evolution of modern scientific and philosophical discussions on general problems of education and educational policy that continue with unabated intensity for the past two decades in Western analytical literature. The priority is given to the analysis of modern theories of education and their interrelations with the ancient tradition, which still affects the modern concepts of democracy and citizenship. The author also explores the various, sometimes diametrically opposed approaches of scientists to the analysis of the phenomenon of globalization and the causes of the crisis of traditional democratic institutions and educational systems. The review also presents critical assessments of the value of diverse studies, in which scholars clearly strive to revive and reinterpret both the classical philosophy of education of the XVIII-XIX centuries and the heritage of the greatest education theorists of the twentieth century.
The sanctions issue is one of the most urgent and acute topics on the international agenda. However, despite huge attention from the academic community, it is sluggishly inscribed in the broader theoretical layer of the science of international relations. In this study, an attempt is made to outline the theoretical and methodological framework for the study of the sanctions agenda from a new angle – from the point of view of the constructivist concept of "normative entrepreneurship". The model proposed by the authors for understanding the promotion of the sanctions initiative in unfriendly countries consists of three fundamental elements: maintaining information noise on sanctions issues, feeding a constant discussion about the effectiveness of sanctions policy and lobbying for individual sanctions initiatives. The team of authors believes that their model, due to its institutional formation, can be extrapolated not only to Russia, but also to China, as well as other countries against which the United States, the EU and their partners are pursuing a sanctions policy.
The article addresses the issues of the government policy for small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs). The main focus is on the practical aspects of implementation of the government-funded SubProgramme for SMEs development of the Government Programme of the Russian Federation for Economic Development and Innovative Economy. The key goals, tools and results of the SubProgramme are presented. The authors discuss the opportunities provided by the Program, as well as the barriers faced by enterprises striving to develop their innovation capacity with assistance of the Program. The case of a small manufacturing company with high innovation potential is described to highlight the contradictions of the regulatory framework for SMEs support. The procedure of conirmation of SME status has been simpliied. However, some of legal entities, which fall within the deinition of a Small Enterprise provided by the Federal Law On the development of small and medium-size businesses in the Russian Federation, lost the opportunity to conirm their status as a result of these changes. The need to disseminate the government support to a broader category of companies is articulated in the article. The case of a small manufacturing company with high innovation potential is described to highlight the contradictions of the regulatory framework for SMEs support. It is argued that poor business environment and unavailability of inancial sources have the most signiicant negative impact on SMEs performance. Currently applied terms of lending turn to be unacceptable even for the SMEs participating in the government-funded program. It is demonstrated that the government is trying to solve the problem of low market demand for the products of SMEs in ''manual mode'' – by putting pressure on large companies. It is concluded that the main focus of the government should be to set up a favorable economic and legal environment for SMEs development.
В статье проводится изучение сущности социально-экономического развития. На основе анализа проблем и ограничений экономики России и ее регионов, связанных с международными и экономическими санкциями, сформулированы приоритеты социально-экономического развития российских регионов.
The article deals with one of the eternal themes of Russian society and the state - Russia between the West and the East. This problem determines the choice of orientation of domestic and foreign policy, and also determines the "swing" of the Russian political vector. The author notes that the geopolitical position of Russia (at the junction of the West and the East) contributed to the formation of different directions of social and political thought, which played a significant role in the development and implementation of the internal - and foreign policy vector of Russian society and state. The author concentrates on the understanding of the zigzags of modern Russian politics - from the pro-Western course in the early 1990s, which was replaced by a multi-vector approach from the 2000s, analyzing the reasons that influenced the choice of one or another course of development of the country, as well as its change. It is argued that the vision of the future of the Russian Federation, which broadcasts the modern liberal opposition, does not meet the needs, needs of the majority of the population, its national interests, sociocultural traditions, and the ill-considered reforms of the 1990s that had disastrous consequences did not contribute to sup-porting this course. As a result, since the 2000s, the policy of modern Russia has been characterized by a multivector approach and attempts to consolidate the status of an independent center of power, based on the principles of civilizational identity and originality.
The article considers the issues of development of national accounting at the regional level. Pertinence of this topic is associated with the use of regional macroeconomic indicators for management of economy carried out by government bodies. The article reviews some aspects of the theory for calculating gross regional product (GRP), which public authorities use to monitor the level and dynamics of regional economy for decision-making on measures to stimulate economic processes; on optimization of taxation and the system of regional transfers, as well as to equalize regional development and standards of living.The author analyses methodology for GRP calculation developed by the Federal State Statistics Service (Rosstat) with the emphasis on the most important provisions and information issues, which have impact on accuracy and analytical usefulness of regional macroeconomic indicators.Significant attention is paid to major improvement directions of the GRP computation methodology, including implementation of new treatment of important transactions recommended in the 2008 SNA. Among such directions the author mentions harmonization of GRP and GDP calculation methodology, improvement of information sources and methods of their processing; development of interaction between central and regional statistical agencies. ; Статья посвящена вопросам развития национального счетоводства на региональном уровне. Актуальность темы обусловлена необходимостью использования региональных макропоказателей для целей государственного управления. В статье рассматриваются некоторые вопросы теории исчисления валового регионального продукта (ВРП), на основе которого органы государственного управления отслеживают уровень и динамику экономики регионов для принятия решений, например о мерах по стимулированию экономических процессов, для оптимизации налогообложения и системы региональных трансфертов, для выравнивания уровней экономического развития и уровня жизни.Автор анализирует методику исчисления ВРП, разработанную Федеральной службой государственной статистики, выделяя наиболее важные методологические и информационные проблемы его исчисления, влияющие на надежность и аналитическую ценность региональных макропоказателей.Значительное внимание уделено рассмотрению направлений совершенствования методологии исчисления ВРП, включая применение новой трактовки ряда экономических операций в СНС 2008. Среди таких направлений отмечается гармонизация методологии исчисления ВРП и ВВП, улучшение источников первичных данных и методов их обработки, углубление взаимодействия между центральными и региональными статистическими ведомствами.
The research aims at the establishment of main principles, priorities and directions of the environmental industrial policy development in the Russian Federation. Environmental industrial policy is considered as a part of the industrial policy aimed at the formation of highly technological competitive national industry providing for the transfer of the economy from the export of raw materials to the innovation type of development. The international experience of the implementation of industrial policies is analysed; it is shown that re-industrialisation leads to strengthening the role of the state regulation and planning both in developed and developing countries. Peculiarities of the international approaches to forming "green" industrial policy are considered. Main principles of the environmental industrial policy development in the Russian Federation are formulated as follows: (1) industrial modernisation providing for the resource efficiency enhancement and the reduction of the negative environmental impact and (2) recycling of waste (its return to the economic cycle). It is emphasised that the environmental industrial policy priorities reflect foremost national purposes and strategic objectives of the Russian Federation development.
In: Vestnik Volgogradskogo Gosudarstvennogo Universiteta: naučno-teoretičeskij žurnal = Science journal of Volgograd State University. Serija 4, Istorija, regionovedenie, meždunarodnye otnošenija = History. Area studies. International relations, Volume 22, Issue 1, p. 143-148
The article deals with the distinction between state and non-state youth policy. This approach was purposefully selected by the authors as the review of the state youth policy only through the prism of the institutional approach does not allow to understand and to comprehend other mechanisms of its formation, in addition to the ones used by state power institutions. The institutional approach also does not take into account a number of important factors, influencing youth policy formation. The authors show the differences between political-science understanding of public diplomacy and its legal, sociological and historical understanding. The article contains the identification of the nature of public diplomacy, which had emerged as a response to the global challenges and threats, to the formation of a new world order, to the course of intra-political development.
Globalization has become the main reason for public diplomacy emergence and active development. In the context of this study, public diplomacy is presented as an effective mechanism for the formation of the state youth policy of Russia and Kazakhstan. The authors show the advantages of conceptual and formal plan of public diplomacy in comparison to the official one on the example of youth policy development in the two countries. Public diplomacy appeared from the standpoint of the intra-political influence on the power institutions in the state, and the foreign policy effect in the system of international relations. The authors identify and analyze the geopolitical, historical and cultural factors that serve as preconditions for effective development of public diplomacy in the context of youth policy of Russia and Kazakhstan. The role of youth organizations in the space of the actual policy of the relationship between contemporary countries is defined and illustrated. The article gives the forecast for the development of forms and mechanisms of public diplomacy in the context of the formation of the state youth policy of the Russian Federation and the Republic of Kazakhstan. The study showed that the main tool of non-governmental youth organizations in global youth policy is the formation of international public opinion, and the integration of human resources, as important aspects of the process of development and implementation of youth policy.
SARS-CoV-2 pandemic caused dramatic impact on social life and medical care. Anti-COVID-19 highly ideological public policy measures, such as lockdowns, switching off economies, closing borders, casting off dissentaneous medical experts from media sphere, chastising public disobedience to newly introduced undemocratic rules etc., were told to be introduced to curb the virus spread. Their role in curbing SARS-CoV-2 pandemic is still dubious. Instead, they provoked public panic and partially caused healthcare crises in many countries, including Russia. Healthcare systems of most countries of the world were unprepared to such enormous stress. However, considerable threat to medical care was represented not by the SARS-CoV-2 pathogen itself, but by the consequences of the situation when the public policy struggle with the virus was transferred to the ideological field. Public policy initially proposed by the majority of countries was defective and abusive towards the majority of population, including medical workers. Governments and media created the universal ideological narration of the virus deadliness without statistical evidence. This deadliness must have been overcome only by the collective obedience to governmental power structures with forswearing many constitutional civil rights. Those people who accepted the ideology uncritically and declared themselves "needy" and incapable of working due to the pandemic, were favoured by public policy steps, e.g. they might have been given government subsidies, alms and assistance. Those who questioned consistency of governmental steps or even opposed them, were punished and sometimes deprived their constitutional and democratic rights farther, including medical care specialists. Not professional qualities of clinicians and medical personnel were key factors of this "carrot and whip" policy, but unquestioning adherence to the dominant ideology, even in the states whose governments call themselves democratic. This was also true for Russia, especially Moscow. The ...
в статье рассмотрены особенности демографической ситуации в России. Отмечена важность демографии для государства. Приведены современные направления деятельности в демографической политике.
Since the end of the Cold War, the United States of America has pursued an offensive foreign policy. In the realities of the 2010s and 2020s, marked by mounting resistance to American global dominance, primarily from Russia and China, there are prerequisites for the adjustment of the U.S. foreign policy strategy. The aim of the article is to identify the underlying causes of offensiveness in U.S. foreign policy of the post–bipolar period based on theoretical constructs of offensive realism and liberalism. Research has shown that offensive realism and offensive liberalism can help understand the offensive nature of U.S. foreign policy after 1991 in their own way and make appropriate projections for the future. Based on the tenets of offensive realism, it can be assumed that the collapse of the Soviet Union and communism have created an enabling environment for maximizing the power of the United States, which Washington could not but leverage. Witnessing the dwindling U.S. power potential, as well as the strengthening of China and Russia in the 2010s – 2020s, Washington has not stopped acting in the logic of offensive realism, but under the Trump and Biden administrations it has definitely began to move towards defensive realism. As the rivals to the US continue to strengthen their capacities, this trend can only intensify. Following the tenets of offensive liberalism, it is possible to assume that after the Cold War, the power of the United States has turned out to be so great in comparison with other great and major powers that Washington has begun to offensively build an American liberal hegemony, letting power rivalry falls by the wayside. However, due to the weakening of the U.S. power potential, as well as the simultaneous rise of China and Russia, it has been forced to begin a transition to a strategy based on offensive and defensive realism under the Trump and Biden administrations. If its rivals continue to rise, the U.S. may turn away from offense altogether.
