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This paper outlines the relation of Japan, especially its private banking facilities, to the Latin American foreign debt problem. It provides relevant background information and examines the approach assumed by Japanese financial circles. Japan is regarded as having the largest financial reserves, but its presence in discussing fundamental debt relief measures has not been as significant as its total amount of credit might imply

Viveros, Mara ; Zavala de Cosío, María Eugenia: Introduction. S. 13-16. Marques-Pereira, Bérengère: Trois décennies de mobilisations féminines et féministes en Amérique. S. 17-36. Arango Gaviria, Luz Gabriela: Identidad, género y trabajo en los estudios latinoamericanos. S. 37-58. Oliveira, M. Coleta ; Doria Bilac, E. ; Muszkat, Malvina: Homens e anticoncepção: duas gerações de "camadas médias" no Brasil. S. 59-82. Urrea Giraldo, Fernando ; Quintín Quílez, Pedro: Subjetividades masculinas en jóvenes de sectores populares urbanos. S. 83-108. Gutmann, Mattew C.: La politique populaire a-t-elle un genre? Un exemple mexicain. S. 109-126

In the 80s, Latin America experienced the worst economic crisis since the world-wide depression of the 30s. A common link running through this crisis was external indebtedness with the international private banking system. Since then, the region has entered a new phase of abundance of capital inflows, bearing some resemblance to the preceding episode of the 70s.In this paper a review is made of the origins of indebtedness, of the emergence of the crisis in the early 80s, and of the management by creditors and debtors during that decade. Some lessons are derived about the working of international financial markets and policy implications. (Rev Econ Polit/DÜI)

This article focuses on the contradictory position of the United States in its economic policies towards Latin America. By pressuring the region to maintain its debt service, the US government left Latin American countries with little choice but to produce large trade surpluses, as voluntary capital flows to the region dried up in the 1980s. Simultaneous US insistence, however, that Latin American countries curtail their export incentive programs and liberalize their imports, makes debt servicing even more difficult and imposes heavy burdens on Latin American societies

This article discusses Cepal's approach on the role of foreign capital in the industrialisation process of Latin America during the fifties. The first section provides a synthesis of Cepal's vision on the structural changes in the main Latin American economies. The second section shows how the international capital was understood by Cepalinos as an alternative way of financing development, in opposition to the radical schemes that were proposed by nationalists and the left. The concluding section summarizes the main points of the paper

This paper, first, summarizes Latin American structuralism, and offers reasons why it was so influential and durable in the region. Second, it points out why structuralism was unable to keep pace with historical new facts, particularly with the industrial revolution or take-off, that made Latin American economies intermediary, still developing, but fully capitalist. Third, it lists the overlapping consensus that today exists on economic development. Forth, it opposes "official orthodoxy" to "developmental populism", the former deriving from neoclassical economics, the latter from structuralism, and offers, in relation to six strategic issues, a development alternative. (Rev Econ Polit/DÜI)

In this article, the author analyzes neoliberal economic models adopted by Central and Latin America, as well as by Southeast Asian countries, to overcome import substitution. He points out the failures in the Latin American model and seeks possible options to prevent any future crises. The alternatives discussed by the author include natural resources' exports, specific policies for Mercosur and strategies in technology. (Polit Externa/DÜI)

This paper analyzes the outlook for Latin American economic integration at three interrelated levels: multilateral, hemispheric and sub-regional. At the multilateral level, it argues that the WTO is not prepared to regulate the competition patterns engendered by the information revolution, and this implies an interim role for regional institutions. At the hemispheric level, it shows that the FTAA will not provoke immediate threats to sub-regional agreements such as Mercosur, Andean Community and CARICOM. Consequently, the main challenge to be faced by Latin American governments in the near future is to manage the interplay between domestic policies and their agreements at sub-regional levels. (Rev Econ Polit/DÜI)

This paper takes an evolutionary and systemic approach on the question of integration in Latin America, reviewing the main instruments of preferential trade in the region, from the experience of Aladi to Mercosul and its intermediate stage, the Argentine-Brazilian integration program. Special attention is paid to the position of Brazil, being the main partner in the intraregional trade of Aladi member countries, as well as the key country for the success of Mercosul, the most recent experiment in the Latin American integration process