During the last two centuries, the military in Latin America has been involved in politics in a characteristic duality of professionalism and political 'calling', by political armies of the right and the left. In both cases, a kind of 'military mystique' prevails, but its content is different. In both cases, the military justifies its involvement as a consequence of its necessary correcting and transforming vanguard role in politics and society. The two characteristics of dual functions (internal and internal security) and dual pathways (professionalism and political missions) are a revolving theme in this article.
The Latin American Area Studies Program was designed to enable students to cross college and departmental lines to pursue, with the study of Spanish, a coordinated study of the geographical, cultural, socio-economic and political life of Latin American countries. The collection is composed of newsletters and an announcement for a course in Latin American politics.
In recent years, women have become prominent on the Latin American filmmaking scene, with exciting and challenging films that are achieving domestic and global prominence. Latin American Women Filmmakers: Production, Politics, Poetics examines this emergence of a body of internationally distributed films by Latin American women, and the national cinematic histories and international production contexts within which this work has arisen. Bringing together distinguished scholars of Latin American cinema, this book features exciting research on established and emerging directors – including Lucrecia Martel, Claudia Llosa and Lucía Puenzo – as well as a focus on influential female producer-auteurs, and sets these key agents and contemporary developments in historical context.
The 1990s saw a shift to the left in Latin American politics. However, there no studies comprehensively analyze political ideology and its determinants in Latin America during and after this period. Using survey data from 1996-2010, this paper makes two contributions. First, it finds that political ideology is determined by subjective perceptions on the state of the economy and society. Second, it finds that the probability of being more leftist has not significantly increased. Two theories that argue that political outcomes do not necessarily reflect the political ideology of the median voter are reviewed to explain the findings.
The relationship among law, politics and global governance in Latin America has deepened. In recent years, the region has undergone important transformations, which include the expansion of democracy, difficulty to control over populism, corruption, drug traffic and the greater integration of the region in the international legal framework. There was an important maturity in politics and law, albeit often fragile and insufficient in the context of the region. Debates such as the right to development, participatory democracy, the new constitutionalism and the greater presence of the countries in international regimes of the global governance region contributed to the advance of the Latin American society. This study analyzes in the past ten years the major advances that Latin American society got among law, politics and global governance. / La relación entre derecho, política y gobernabilidad global en América Latina se ha profundizado. En los últimos años, la región ha sufrido transformaciones importantes, que incluyen la expansión de la democracia, la dificultad de control sobre el populismo, la corrupción, el tráfico de drogas y la mayor integración de la región en el marco jurídico internacional. Hubo una madurez importante en la política y el derecho, aunque frecuentemente frágil e insuficiente en el contexto de la región. Debates como el derecho al desarrollo, la democracia participativa, el nuevo constitucionalismo y la mayor presencia de los países en los regímenes internacionales de la región de gobierno global contribuyeron para el avance de la sociedad latinoamericana. Este estudio presenta un análisis de los grandes avances que la sociedad de América Latina ya ha recibido entre el derecho, la política y la gobernabilidad global en los últimos diez años.
[EN] The paper shows how data from PELA project conducted at Salamanca University in Spain can be also applied to study political competence following representative opinions from their own careers. There is also an essay to figure out an index of political competition
After the close of the 2003 World Trade Organization (WTO) ministerial meeting in Cancun, Mexico, United States Trade Representative Robert Zoellick unleashed a stinging attack on Brazil and its Latin American partners in the G-20 trade negotiating coalition. Lamenting the failure to reach agreement on the US/EU proposal to conclude the Doha round, Zoellick (2003) bemoaned Brazil's 'tactics of confrontation', refusal to compromise, and insistence on a 'massive list of required changes' to the chairperson's discussion text. These tensions between the Brazilian-led G-20 negotiating coalition and the US offer a highly illustrative entry point to understanding the key elements of contemporary Latin American diplomacy, the subject of this chapter. In order to grapple with the practice and precepts of Latin American diplomacy we will draw out five points embedded within post Cancun rhetorical fracas and amplify them through reference to other cases and the conceptual thinking of scholars and analysts based in the region. The approach we take in our analysis of Latin American diplomacy is predominantly at the state level, examining the patterns and habits of interaction exhibited by governments in the region.
Following an extended period of near silence on the subject, many social and political philosophers are now treating immigration as a central theme of the discipline. For the first time, this edited volume brings together original works by prominent philosophers writing about immigration ethics from within a Latin American context. Without eschewing relevant conceptual resources derived from European and Anglo-American philosophies, the essays in this book emphasize Latin American and Latinx philosophies, decolonial and feminist theories, and Indigenous philosophies of Latin America, in the pursuit of an immigration ethics. The contributors explore the moral challenges of immigration that either arise within Latin America, or when Latin Americans and Latina/o/xs migrate to and reside within the United States. Uniquely, some chapters focus on south to south migration. Contributors also examine Latina/o/x experiences in the United States, addressing the lacuna of philosophical writing on migration, maternity, and childhood. Latin American Immigration Ethics advances philosophical conversations and debates about immigration by theorizing migration from the Latin American and Latinx context. Contributors Luis Rubén Díaz Cepeda, Lori Gallegos, Margaret Griesse, Eduardo Mendieta, José Jorge Mendoza, Amos Nascimento, Carlos Pereda, Silvana Rabinovich, Amy Reed-Sandoval, Raúl Villarroel, Allison B. Wolf
This essay reviews the following works:Peruvian Lives across Borders: Power, Exclusion, and Home. By M. Cristina Alcalde. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2018. Pp. ix + 230. $28.00 paperback. ISBN: 9780252083464. Decolonizing Ethnography: Undocumented Immigrants and New Directions in Social Science. By Carolina Alonso Bejarano, Lucia López Juárez, Mirian A. Mijangos García, and Daniel M. Goldstein. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2019. Pp. xi + 184. $24.95 paperback. ISBN: 9781478003953. Accountability across Borders: Migrant Rights in North America. Edited by Xóchitl Bada and Shannon Gleeson. Austin: University of Texas Press, 2019. Pp. vii + 325. $29.95 paperback. ISBN: 9781477318362. Emigrants Get Political: Mexican Migrants Engage Their Home Towns. By Michael S. Danielson. New York: Oxford University Press, 2018. Pp. ix + 264. $74.00 hardcover. ISBN: 9780190679972. Telling Migrant Stories: Latin American Diaspora in Documentary Film. Edited by Esteban E. Loustaunau and Lauren E. Shaw. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2018. Pp. 339. $89.95 hardcover. ISBN: 9781683400233. The Immigrant Rights Movement: The Battle over National Citizenship. By Walter J. Nicholls. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2019. Pp. xi + 296. $25.00 paperback. ISBN: 9781503609327. Undocumented Lives: The Untold Story of Mexican Migration. By Ana Raquel Minian. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2018. Pp. 328. $29.95 hardcover. ISBN: 9780674737037. The Undocumented Everyday: Migrant Lives and the Politics of Visibility. By Rebecca M. Schreiber. Minnesota: University of Minnesota Press, 2018. Pp. vii + 370. $30.00 paperback. ISBN: 9781517900236.
The list of nearly 300 serial titles covers the Latin American literature of entomology comprehensively. Titles in the areas of general zoology plus plant and animal pathology are also included when they are substantially entomological in content. Serials included are published by governmental agencies at various levels, as well as commercial firms and scientific societies.
Mexico, Venezuela and Brazil contribute about 30 percent of world production of heavy and extra heavy crude oil, estimated at around 15 mb/d in 2012. Each of these three countries has a distinctive future production profile. Latin America will continue to run a surplus of heavy crude, but the supply of these types of grade will be increasingly restricted, either as a result of the natural decline in its fields, lack of investment, limited access to technology, political uncertainties or particular strategies in the energy sector leading to increasing domestic demand. This article explores some of the reasons behind the supply slowdown of heavy crude oil expected in each of these Latin American countries and some consequences in the international oil market over the next few years.
This paper explores the role of women in leadership in Latin American Regionalism and, more specifically, the incorporation of gender commitments at the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (celac), focusing on the case of the overlapping mandates, during the period 2011-2014, of three women in the Presidencies of Chile, Argentina and Brazil: Michelle Bachelet, Cristina Kirchner, and Dilma Rousseff, respectively. The paper draws on feminist approaches and the literature of women and leadership, and incorporates peculiarities pointed out in the literature of Latin American regionalism, such as weak institutions, presidential diplomacy, and active transnational advocacy networks. The main argument advanced is that the effect of women in leadership cannot be taken for granted as gender was not a priority during the governments of these presidents. The more diffuse commitment to human rights, which they all shared, as well as their symbolic empowerment effect might have strengthened the gender cause advanced by civil society and transnational advocacy networks.
In 2013, the Civil Liberties Act (CLA) of 1988, the U.S. government legislation which provided for a formal apology and a payment of $20,000 to each surviving Japanese American citizen and Japanese resident alien interned during World War II, celebrated its twentieth-fifth anniversary. Indeed, since its passage, the CLA has been upheld as a piece of "landmark legislation"—a precedent and even a model for subsequent redress and reparations movements; these are movements not only within the U.S. but around the world. Still, I find that the so-called "success" of Japanese American redress remains haunted—haunted by the memories of the 2,264 Japanese Latin Americans (JLAs) who were, in effect, kidnapped upon U.S. order by the governments of thirteen Latin American countries and brought to U.S. concentration camps whereby hundreds were then used in a U.S. hostage exchange program with Japan. Despite their efforts, these internees were denied recognition under the CLA and only after filing a class-action lawsuit against the U.S. government in 1998 were offered a sum of just $5,000. This dissertation maps the varied discourses marking the subsequent attempts at governmental redress for the JLA deportation and internment program over the last thirty some years. Probing the question of historical justice for racialized state violence within the overlapping contexts of U.S. empire and international human rights regimes, it asks: What are the transformative possibilities and limits of "redress" as the late-modern paradigmatic logic for racial/social justice, including its underlying liberal humanist ethicality of violence, redemption and justice? What does this case in particular open up in terms of the politics of knowledge and historical justice concerning U.S. global reach and hegemony in the Americas and U.S. empire more broadly at the current global historical moment? Ultimately, this project, deploying a rigorously interdisciplinary approach, both illuminates the very paradigmatic violence of redress as late-modern juridical justice, including its formative role as a fundamental condition of U.S. empire since the end of the cold war, and, at the same time, reveals the very paradigmatic productivity of such violence—its opening up of alternative imaginings and praxis of justice located not within the law itself but precisely in its critique and deconstruction.
Latin America in global governance is the humanist of the world; the history of its colonization and depopulation of indigenous people, independence from incompetent monopolist, and struggle to maintain their sovereignty today place them at the forefront of humanity. Latin American politics is unique in the world because on an international level, they protect, defend, and advocate the equality of all human beings regardless of national origin, and second, nations around the world can adopt the Latin American courter--‐ hegemonic model and seek their own development. Through diplomatic modes of interactions, sovereign nations in Latin America have surpassed bilateral negotiations with each other and the region to, in 1945, all become founding members of the global institution of multilateral forums known as the United Nations (UN).The United Nations provides the forum for nations to collaborate on issues of global impact and concern such as economic development, peace and security, environmental protection, and most important, human rights. More than sixty years from its inception, the United Nations has failed to curtail nuclear proliferation, economic inequality for the majority of the seven billion people of the world, and the over sixty wars that have ensued since. Despite the existence of the Security Council, of which solely five countries have both permanent status and the right to veto, and the General Assembly comprised of ninety--‐ seven percent of the world's governments, have not been able to use their resources and cooperation to prevent human rights violations and environmental degradation that threatens all life on earth; while man cannot prevent natural disasters their economic development and exponential population growth does stress the ecosystems and their ability to sustain life. Because individual interest can manifest their dominance though monopolistic and authoritative bodies on national levels, international relations can reveal why inaction during humanitarian crisis and the scarcity of technologic, economic, and human resources to remedy destruction are ineffective in global governance but surprisingly effective through the actions of powerful individuals and group coalitions. The junction between nations representing individuals on an international level, and individuals representing their interest internationally, in its reflexive analysis provides the foundation to assess that Latin America is the lobbying force behind the universal enforcement of respect for human rights.