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This research attempts to shed light on the role of the international Court of Justice (ICJ) and the significance of its adjudicatory and advisory functions. The theme of this research will initially project a brief introduction of the topic in question, keeping in view the historical and contemporary perspectives of the ICJ. This research also focuses on the organizational structure of the United Nations, keeping in view the position and role of the ICJ within the organization. With practical examples of case laws, the ambit of judicial review in the context of judicial and advisory function of ICJ will also be taken into account. It will also present brief analysis on the intra-organizational relationship between the ICJ and other organs of the UN. ; This research attempts to shed light on the role of the international Court of Justice (ICJ) and the significance of its adjudicatory and advisory functions. The theme of this paper will initially project a brief introduction of the topic in question, keeping in view the historical and contemporary perspectives of the ICJ . This research also focuses on the organizational structure of the United Nations, keeping in view the position and role of the ICJ within the organization. With practical examples of case laws, the ambit of judicial review in the context of judicial and advisory function of ICJ will also be taken into account. It will also present brief analysis on the intra-organizational relationship between the ICJ and other organs of the UN.

The aim of this study is trying to interpret the crisis of legitimacy which faced the political system in Libya after the events of 2011, including the multiple legislative and executive bodies, based on specified theoretical perception is Crisis Theory for Jürgen Habermas, which he is trying to linking between the political system has legitimacy and its ability to overcome the different crises and challenges that faced, is a reliable perception in the case of Libya, in particular, every political party in the Libyan scene is consider himself the legal and legitimate representatives of the Libyan community, in light of political division and multiple parliamentary bodies and executive Governments in the country,the researcher adopted in this trying to analytical reading emphasize on specific points in many official and non-official studies and reports on the Libyan situation, study found that all successive political parties that topped the Libyan political scene form 2011, had failed to counter the various challenges whether security or constitutional, and were unable to manage the different crisis suffered by the Libyan citizen, specially economic, living and service, this place it in a real crisis of legitimacy at the level of society as a whole, in light of decrease what they have done in the past and what they can do in the future under the current situation, which contributed in create a case of distrust among the citizens in their programs and plans and lost motivation to participate in the various activities that they supervise on the one hand, and in increasing cases of disrespect for laws and decisions that represent their authority on the other hand,this leads us to say that the political system in Libya after the events of 2011, is faces a national crisis of legitimacy, accompanied by crises in motivation and non-normality, according to Habermas societal crisis theory, this is reflected in our reading of studies and reports that have been exposed to the Libyan crisis.

Executive Council Thirty-Fourth Ordinary Session 7 – 8 February 2019 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia ; The African Court on Human and Peoples' Rights (the Court) was established in terms of Article 1 of the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights on the Establishment of an African Court on Human and Peoples' Rights (hereinafter referred to as "the Protocol"), adopted on 9 June 1998, in Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso, by the then Organization of African Unity (OAU). The Protocol entered into force on 25 January 2004. The Court became operational in 2006 and is composed of eleven (11) Judges elected by the Executive Council and appointed by the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the African Union. The Seat of the Court is in Arusha, the United Republic of Tanzania. Article 31 of the Protocol mandates the Court to "…submit to each regular session of the Assembly, a report on its work. The report shall specify, in particular, the cases in which a State has not complied with the Court's judgment.

"A probing inquiry into medieval court struggles, this book shows the relationship between intellectual conflict and the geopolitics of empire. It examines the Persian Buyids' takeover of the great Arab caliphate in Iraq, the counter-Crusade under Saladin, and the literature of sovereignty in Spain and Italy at the cusp of the Renaissance. The question of high culture--who best qualified as a poet, the function of race and religion in forming a courtier, what languages to use in which official ceremonies--drove much of medieval writing, and even policy itself. From the last moments of the Abbasid Empire, to the military campaign for Jerusalem, to the rise of Crusades literature in spoken Romance languages, authors and patrons took a competitive stance as a way to assert their place in a shifting imperial landscape."--Back cover