Cet article examine la question des médias et d´une politique de communication dans le contexte de ce que l´on nomme maintenant les BRICS. L'analyse des relations entre les pays membres de cette conformation passe par de nombreuses interrogations : s'agit-il d'un réseau ? D'un réseau communicationnel, médiatique, interactif, collaboratif, connecté, horizontal ? Comment les spécialistes de ce thème abordent-ils ce sujet : un nouveau mode de communiquer dans une perspective d'extension des échanges symboliques ou l'actualisation des formes de communication traditionnelles, verticales et restrictives ? ; This paper examines the question of the media and communication policy in the countries now known as the BRICS. Any analysis of relationships between the countries that make up this group raises many questions. Are they a network ? If so, is it a communicational network, a media network, is it interactive, collaborative, connective, horizontal ? How do scholars tackle the subject in their research – are we seeing a new way of communicating with a view to expanding symbolic exchanges, or a modernisation of traditional, vertical and restrictive forms of communication ?
In China, the media and information and communication technologies are claimed by power as vectors for economic development, knowledge and communication. Western and Chinese analysts characterise this situation as a "entertainment society", meaning that the main messages of the media are directed towards consumption, enrichment and entertainment. However, through three of the four events in China, snow storm, riots in Tibet and earthquake, this article explores developments in the media and ICT reporting by the government and civil society by the government and civil society. ; Medias and ITC are presents in China are used as factors of development, of knowledge and communication. By then, forms of expression are available for the citizens and more over for the civil society. The actors are contributors to the evolutions of the public sphere. In this con-text, the year 2008 in China was a special year. Changes have appears by the modification of the forms of communication of the central government, and moreover by the forms and ac-tions of the citizens. We will examine three majors' facts – snowstorm, Tibetan issues and Sichuan earthquake-, in order to reveal some evolutions, which are indicators of a different context of use of medias and for that may arise in the information society in China. ; In China, the media and information and communication technologies are claimed by power as vectors for economic development, knowledge and communication. Western and Chinese analysts characterise this situation as a "entertainment society", meaning that the main messages of the media are directed towards consumption, enrichment and entertainment. However, through three of the four events in China, snow storm, riots in Tibet and earthquake, this article explores developments in the media and ICT reporting by the government and civil society by the government and civil society. ; En Chine, médias et technologies de l'information et de la communication sont revendiqués par le pouvoir comme vecteurs de développement ...
Le modèle de communication de l'Union européenne fonctionne mal pour quatre raisons fondamentales : il n'est pas assez stratégique, trop centralisé, trop monolingue en anglais et il repose trop sur le papier. Pour le changer il faut centraliser la totalité des budgets de communication dans les mains du président de la Commission, renforcer les pouvoirs et les moyens des délégués nationaux, respecter un multilinguisme intégral, et passer plus intensivement du papier au numérique grâce à Euronews. Il faut aussi réformer le contenu de cette communication, trop axée sur la macro-économie, pour la centrer sur la citoyenneté européenne. ; The European model of communication is dysfunctional for four main reasons: it lacks a strategic dimension, it is too centralised, too dominated by a single language, English, and over-re liant on paper. For this to change, all communication budgets need to be centralised under the European Commission presidency, the powers and means of national delegates need to be strengthened, all communication should be fully multilingual and a major shift is required from paper to digital media, via Euronews. There is also a need to reform the content of EU communication, which focuses too heavily on macro-economics, in order to shift the emphasis to European citizenship.
La définition des œuvres littéraires et des objets culturels, leurs formes et leurs modes de compréhension varient à l'intérieur de grandes configurations techniques et sociales elles-mêmes changeantes. Le champ de ces « médiamorphoses » réciproques recouvre, du XIXe au XXIe siècle, des genres et des domaines divers : de la poésie lettrée au roman-feuilleton, de la littérature à la publicité, des premières théories des mass-médias à nos modernes doxas politiques et intellectuelles. Lamartine, Dumas, Mallarmé ou Zola sont relus sous un angle permettant aussi de lire autrement Gabriel Tarde, Gramsci, Walter Benjamin ou McLuhan.
This study takes as its point of departure the theorizing on citizenship and globalization. Today it is common to discuss a "flexible" citizenship beyond the paradigm of the nationstate, which, besides its legal aspects of rights and obligations, also includes identification with and participation in various communities, primarily political ones. "Politics", in this context, is considered to be constituted on the micro-level, discursively between individuals (e.g. Laclau and Mouffe 1985). The aim of the study is to, through the study of collective meaning making, contribute to the theory building about citizenship and globalization. The study consists of three cases, each of which attracted much media attention, with varying degrees of proximity and distance. The construction of political community, on various levels on the globalization scale (subnational, national, transnational) within the collective meaning making, is studied. The aim of the study also includes the analysis of the discursive resources that are used for the making of meaning. "External" discourses such as media messages and interpersonal communication are analyzed as well as "internal" ones: e.g. values, norms, identifications and experiences. In addition, the study aims at localizing the construction of meaning and community within the structural context , and relating it to current structures of power. The thesis is concluded with a suggestion of how to relate the discursive construction of political identity to deliberative democracy theory. The empirical material is collected by means of focus-groups interviews, including 2–5 people, with a total of 133 respondents. The transcribed material is analyzed by means of critical discourse analysis, CDA. The study identifies two different types of identity constructions: processes of nationalization, where the experienced Swedish identity and community function normatively in the making of meaning, and processes of subnationalization, among those groups that somehow felt excluded from and mistreated by the national (Swedish) environment. The thesis concludes that the collective making of meaning within an assumed national community contains ideological elements and works to a large extent in the service of power. However, the subnationally compressed communities create meaning in an oppositional manner, compared with the nationalized community and in relation to structures of power. Active citizenship is thus best located in conflict, among groups that experience exclusion and oppression in different situations (Mouffe 1995b). If this is right, the focus must shift from consensus to communication, efforts to open up discursive bridges between the hegemonic community and dissident voices should be made (c.f. Aronowitz 1995). An important space for transgressing communication is of course the media. However, the study shows that the media must deal with some problems before they are ready to serve as discursive bridges, for instance the tendency to make the factual antagonisms subordinate to homogenizing emotional reporting. In addition, there seems to exist a need for the political institutions to move beyond the paradigm of the nation-state, and find other frameworks for the democratic processes, not least at the subnational level. Thus, instead of discussing either a global or a national citizenship one could, with Habermas (2001), reflect on a postnational citizenship relating to the reflexive transformation of national civic sovereignty into subnational and supranational citizenship.
Mediatization and Power: An Analysis of the Media's Political Influence. During the last few decades it has become increasingly common to characterize modern politics as mediated and mediatized. Problematic, though, is that both concepts are referred to more often than they are properly defined, and that there is a deficit in systematic empirical studies on the degree to which politics has become mediatized. Against this background, the purpose of this article is to analyze the concepts of "mediated" and "mediatized" politics, and to empirically investigate how Swedish members of parliament and political journalists perceive the media's political influence. The theoretical analysis suggests that the mediatization of politics should be understood as a multidimensional concept, whereas the empirical results show that both members of parliament and political journalists believe that the media do have extensive influence over politics as well as the general public.
