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Is European Monetary Union desirable? Pascal Salin, of the Univeristy of Paris, argues that any system of fixed exchange rates such as the EMS Exchange Rate Mechanism, is likely to prove unsatisfactory.

General introduction -- General introduction -- One: Currency Competition -- I. The theory of currency competition -- II. The history of currency competition -- III. The history of monetary thought on currency competition -- IV. The current debate: The return to gold and the liberalization of banking -- Two: Monetary Union -- to Part Two. Which monetary integration? -- V. The European Monetary System -- VI. Is the adjustable peg a viable option? -- VII. Freely flexible exchange rates or a common currency? -- VIII. Exchange controls for ever? -- IX. Towards a better European Monetary System -- Appendix to Bibliographical Note (Lawrence H. White) -- The authors -- Index of names.

Hopkin, B. ; Reddaway, B.: Heading for breakdown. - S. 239-243. Holtham, G.: The Maastricht conception of EMU is obsolete. - S. 244-248. Palmer, J.: Wanted: A compelling vision. - S. 249-252. Radice, G.: The case for a single currency. - S. 252-256. Wolf, M.: Why European integration cannot be built on EMU. - S. 256-260

Inflation differentials in Europe have narrowed substantially since the inception of the European Monetary System in 1979. However, their persistence after more than a decade raises the question of why these differentials are so difficult to eliminate. Some European Community countries systematically use seignorage—financing government expenditures with money creation—while others do not. This increases the difficulty of achieving the convergence of monetary policies and inflation rates required for irrevocably fixed exchange rates in Europe. This paper, utilizing a model of government finance that minimizes the social cost of financing government expenditures, examines monetary finance in the European Community. It rejects soundly the social cost minimization model of seignorage collection.

Die wirtschaftliche Abhängigkeit Weißrußlands von Rußland, insbesondere im Energieträgerbereich, hat konservative Politiker in Belarus dazu bewogen, für einen Verbleib in der Rubelzone und eine Wirtschaftsunion mit Rußland zu plädieren. Während weißrussische Kritiker der am 12. April 1994 vereinbarten Währungsunion der beiden Länder einen Souveränitätsverlust des Landes befürchten, erwarten russische Kritiker des Vertrages demgegenüber einen Anstieg der Inflation in Rußland, da Weißrußland nicht im gleichen konsequenten Maße wie Rußland seine Wirtschaftsreformen betreibe. Wirtschaftliche Konzessionen beim Zustandekommen der Währungsunion scheinen im wesentlichen von weißrussischer Seite gekommen zu sein. (BIOst-Mrk)