"Without the co-operation of their women, no nation can progress". The founder of Pakistan, Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad All Jinnah, claimed this. Both man and woman play an equally productive role in the political and social development of a society. Within the scope of their respective roles, they contribute for the development of political and social integration. In present times, women are actively performing diversified roles in the spheres of politics, leadership and social service. This research paper encompasses the political and social efforts and struggle of women in the achievement of Pakistan. This research is to assess and explain the struggle by Muslim women of the Indo-Pak sub-Continent, since five decades before creation of Pakistan, which motivated them to understand the importance of political participation and to initiate a movement for a free homeland. The educational, social and political endeavours contributed by these women turned the dream of Pakistan into a reality and their sincere efforts continued even after independence.
Changing Pakistan -- Patterns of social change -- Landscape of independence -- Nation and ethnicity -- Urban transformations -- Development of the countryside -- Islam and social life -- Family, kinship, community, and civil society -- Everyday life -- Whither Pakistan -- Epilogue
This is the first English-language survey of Pakistan's socio-economic evolution. Mohammad Qadeer gives an essential overview of social and cultural transformation in Pakistan since independence, which is crucial to understanding Pakistan's likely future direction. Pakistan examines how tradition and family life continue to contribute long term stability, and explores the areas where very rapid changes are taking place: large population increase, urbanization, economic development, and the nature of civil society and the state. It offers an insightful view into Pakistan, exp.
1: Introduction: Protection and Patriarchy. Can They Co-Exist in Pakistan?- 2: Existing Social Protection Services in Pakistan -- 3: Family, Housing, and Social Policy for Women of Pakistan -- 4: Food Security, Nutrition, and Social Policy for Women of Pakistan -- 5: Environmental Challenges, Disaster-risk and Social Policy for Women of Pakistan -- 6: Literacy, Skill Development, and Social Policy for Women of Pakistan -- 7: Employment, Informal Sector Work, and Social Policy for Women of Pakistan -- 8: The Quintuple Health Burden and Social policy for Women in Pakistan -- 9: Overcoming Limitations of Experimental Studies for Better Upscale of Women's Protective Policy -- 10: South Asia's Collaboration for Women's Protection and Social Policy -- 11: Sustainable Comprehensive Social Policy for Women in Pakistan: The Way Forward with Religion, Social-Media, Finances and Governance.
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Abstract Despite the increasing inclusion of intersections of sexual, racial, and class differences in contemporary feminist theory, there remains an omission in the scholarship in terms of exploring the intersections of religion (Islam), gender, and sexual violence. This article addresses this gap in the literature by focusing on the #MosqueMeToo movement. Using an intersectional lens, the article provides an overview of this movement from current literature as well as content analysis of a number of Twitter (now X) posts. It examines the potential, strength, and impact of the movement and explores how it provides Muslim women with an accessible way to share their lived experiences. Moreover, the article elucidates the current backlash and self-reflections in response to the movement.
"In education, journalism, legislative politics, social justice, health, law, and other arenas, Muslim women across Kenya are emerging as leaders in local, national, and international contexts, advancing reforms through their activism. Muslim Women in Postcolonial Kenya draws on extensive interviews with six such women, revealing how their religious and moral beliefs shape reform movements that bridge ethnic divides and foster alliances in service of creating a just, multicultural, multiethnic, and multireligious democratic citizenship."--Publisher website
After September 11 2001 questions about the nature and society of Islam were asked all over the world. Unfortunately in the rush to provide answers inadequate and even distorted explanations were provided. Muslim groups like the Taliban in Afghanistan and Pakistan with their brutal ways came to symbolise Islam. The need to understand society through a diachronic and in-depth study was thus even more urgent. The following work is an attempt to explain how Muslims organise their lives through an examination of rituals conducted by women. This particularistic account has far-reaching ramifications for the study of Muslim society.This article seeks to contribute to the general debate on Islamic societies. In particular it contributes to the ethnographic discussion on the Pukhtun. First, it seeks to establish the distinctive sociality of Pukhtun wealthy women or Bibiane in terms of their participation, within and beyond the household, in gham-khadi festivities, joining them with hundreds of individuals from different families and social backgrounds. Second, the article makes a case for documenting the lives of this grouping of elite South Asian women, contesting their conventional representation as idle by illustrating their commitment to various forms of work within familial and social contexts. Third, it describes the segregated zones of gham-khadi as a space of female agency. Reconstructing the terms of this agency helps us to revise previous anthropological accounts of Pukhtun society, which project Pukhtunwali in predominantly masculine terms, while depicting gham-khadi as an entirely feminine category. Bibiane's gham-khadi performances allow a reflection upon Pukhtunwali and wider Pukhtun society as currently undergoing transformation. Fourth, as a contribution to Frontier ethnography, the arguments in this article lay especial emphasis on gham-khadi as a transregional phenomenon, given the relocation of most Pukhtun families to the cosmopolitan capital Islamabad. Since gham-khadi is held at families' ancestral homes (kille-koroona), new variations and interpretations of conventional practices penetrate to the village context of Swat and Mardan. Ceremonies are especially subject to negotiation as relatively young convent-educated married Bibiane take issue with their 'customs' (rewaj) from a scriptural Islamic perspective. These contradictions are being increasingly articulated by the female graduates of an Islamabad-based reformist religious school, Al-Huda. Al-Huda, part of a broader regional and arguably national movement of purist Islamization, attempts to apply Quranic and hadith prophetic teaching to everyday life. This reform involves educated elite and middle-class women. These women actively impart Islamic ways of living to family members across metropolitan–rural boundaries. The school's lectures (dars, classes) provide a basis for questioning 'customary' or Pukhtun life-cycle practices, authorizing some Bibiane to amend visiting patterns in conformity to the Quran. The manipulation of life-cycle commemorations by elite and middle-class women as a vehicle of change, Islamization and a particular mode of modernity furthermore becomes significant in the light of recent socio-political Islamic movements in post-Taliban Frontier Province. More broadly, the article contributes to various sociological and anthropological topics, notably the nature and expression of elite cultures and issues of sociality, funerals and marriage, custom and religion, space and gender, morality and reason, and social role and personhood within the contexts of Middle-Eastern and South Asian Islam.
