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The aim of the paper is to examine interconnections between the process of state-building and the process of nation-building during a period of post-conflict reconstruction. The specific case of the current reconstruction process in Kosovo is exceptional due to extensive international support expressed through political and economic means. Regardless of efforts towards reform made by powerful members of the international community, future sustainability may be questioned. An alternative to the currently favoured institutional approach is provided by the work of Barry Buzan on the state, which puts an emphasis on the idea of the state, assuming integration between territorial, societal and political aspects. The conclusion presented in this article might be used as a lesson learnt from previous mistakes in work dealing with ethnically divided societies, for which it is not sufficient to provide institutional structures without an adequate socio-political reconstruction of existing conditions. If a society is not adequately adapted to the newly-established situation, the institutional structures will not be able to fulfil their key functions completely. Furthermore, it has to be clear that any possible reconstruction of institutional bases must be attempted only with a deep consideration of specific local conditions; otherwise its sustainability is doubtful. ; The aim of the paper is to examine interconnections between the process of state-building and the process of nation-building during a period of post-conflict reconstruction. The specific case of the current reconstruction process in Kosovo is exceptional due to extensive international support expressed through political and economic means. Regardless of efforts towards reform made by powerful members of the international community, future sustainability may be questioned. An alternative to the currently favoured institutional approach is provided by the work of Barry Buzan on the state, which puts an emphasis on the idea of the state, assuming integration ...

This paper deals with the issue of building Wales as a unique region in the context of the European Union and its resources. The author focuses on the period after 1999, i.e. the time when devolution took place and when official Welsh representatives emerged via the National Assembly for Wales (NAW). Since then, Wales has entered into cooperation with the EU, in order to gain access to resources provided by the Union. The cooperation is however of a specific kind, since officially, Welsh representatives have to communicate with the EU through the political representation of Great Britain. Nevertheless, by acting informally, Welsh representatives manage to avoid the British government in relevant contexts and communicate with the EU directly. In this way, they are able to exploit the formal and informal rules for their advantage (i.e. for building Wales as a unique region). The main purpose of this text is to show that the case of Wales can be replicated by any region that has official political representation, even if it has only weak representative institutions and has to deal with limitations posed by the existence of a central government.

On the basis of the analysis of news content from 2008 to 2012, we describe in this article the tendencies of Czech media in dealing with foreign policy topics, using a combination of quantitative content analysis and qualitative case studies of selected foreign policy events. Both quantitative and qualitative analyses demonstrate that the coverage of political events in the media is highly personalised and viewed through the prism of the personal or political interests of Czech political elites and the conflicts between them. As concerns the diversity of the actors presented and topics covered, the Czech media produce a considerably restricted and more or less uniform stream of news commented upon by a relatively limited spectrum of actors, mainly Czech politicians. For non-political, non-governmental, and international actors, access to the debate is considerably limited. The print media tends to present major political events as power-based conflicts between individuals or groups, rather than as negotiations about public affairs supported by substantive arguments. In effect, Habermas's classical vision of the role of mass media in democracy, which is to promote rational discussion as a desirable form of public debate, is replaced with persuasion through emotional appeal, which has been widely criticised. At the same time, however, some theoretical traditions see it more positively as a less restrictive form of public discourse. ; On the basis of the analysis of news content from 2008 to 2012, we describe in this article the tendencies of Czech media in dealing with foreign policy topics, using a combination of quantitative content analysis and qualitative case studies of selected foreign policy events. Both quantitative and qualitative analyses demonstrate that the coverage of political events in the media is highly personalised and viewed through the prism of the personal or political interests of Czech political elites and the conflicts between them. As concerns the diversity of the actors presented and ...

The text deals with question of European state formation in research of contemporary British sociologist Perry Anderson . Its first intention focus on how modern European medieval and absolutistic states emerged. The article consists from four main parts: (1) Introduction to theory of state-formation. (2) Analysis of structural and analytical connections between state and society in author´s treatise. (3) Third main part deals with analysis of course of European state-building. On this problem we apply specific analytical model, which distinguish causes, components, progression, and impacts on state formation processes. In this case, author analyzes mechanisms of state building in feudal period 9–15th century and period of absolutistic states (16--19th century). (4) Last part is focuses on conclusion of our findings, especially on drawings specific conceptual model of this process. ; The text deals with question of European state formation in research of contemporary British sociologist Perry Anderson . Its first intention focus on how modern European medieval and absolutistic states emerged. The article consists from four main parts: (1) Introduction to theory of state-formation. (2) Analysis of structural and analytical connections between state and society in author´s treatise. (3) Third main part deals with analysis of course of European state-building. On this problem we apply specific analytical model, which distinguish causes, components, progression, and impacts on state formation processes. In this case, author analyzes mechanisms of state building in feudal period 9–15th century and period of absolutistic states (16--19th century). (4) Last part is focuses on conclusion of our findings, especially on drawings specific conceptual model of this process.

Why are things different on the other side of national borders; and how can this be explained sociologically? This inaugural lecture tries to answer these questions, starting from the example of the bicycle in the Netherlands. It distinguishes four processes that have contributed to increasing similarity within nations: growing interdependence within nations; increasing density of networks and institutions; vertical diffusion of styles and standards; and the development of national we-feelings. Together, these processes have contributed to the development of national habitus: increasing similarities within nations, and increasing differences between people living in different countries. These processes have reached their apex in the second half of the twentieth century. Since then, they have diminished, leading to increasing variations within countries, and growing similarities between comparable groups in different countries. This analysis poses new questions and challenges for sociologists. First, it leads us to rethink comparative research: what are we comparing when we compare nations, and is this still a viable unit of analysis? Second, it leads us to consider how the transfer of styles and standards occurs in our informalized, globalized, and mediatized age. Third, sociologists should analyse the new forms of inequality resulting from these processes, such as the growing rift between 'locals' and (bike-loving) cosmopolitans.

Both in the Czech and European contexts, the Council of the EU is a relatively frequent subject of interest in political science research. A substantial amount of work (both in the tradition of qualitative and quantitative research) focuses especially on the process of coalition building and the impact and functioning of the different levels of the Council. This theoretical discussion analyzes the possibilities which both the qualitative and quantitative approaches offer concerning research dealing with the coalition behavior of one concrete EU member state. In doing so, it takes into account various specifics which characterize the Council of the EU and which substantially influence the behavior of its member states. The paper concludes that the qualitative approach (while being to a substantial degree complementary to the quantitative tradition) offers better tools for an analysis focusing on the coalition behavior of one member state than its quantitative counterpart. One of the reasons lies in the nature of our research which deals with the process of promoting the interests of the Czech Republic in the EU Council, with a special emphasis on coalition building and searching for compromises. ; Both in the Czech and European contexts, the Council of the EU is a relatively frequent subject of interest in political science research. A substantial amount of work (both in the tradition of qualitative and quantitative research) focuses especially on the process of coalition building and the impact and functioning of the different levels of the Council. This theoretical discussion analyzes the possibilities which both the qualitative and quantitative approaches offer concerning research dealing with the coalition behavior of one concrete EU member state. In doing so, it takes into account various specifics which characterize the Council of the EU and which substantially influence the behavior of its member states. The paper concludes that the qualitative approach (while being to a substantial degree complementary to ...

Napriek neustálemu hľadaniu alternatívnych zdrojov energie pre život vyspelej spoločnosti, patrí stále prvé miesto v jej získavaní rope. Popri jej ťažbe je nesmierne dôležitý efektívny spôsob jej prepravy, nakoľko sa nachádza len na určitom území a do ostatných krajín sa musí dopravovať. Práve z tohto dôvodu sa každá krajina snaží o vlastnú ropnú bezpečnosť budovaním núdzových zásob a systému riadenia ropnej bezpečnosti štátu. Vzhľadom na napätú ekonomickú i politickú situáciu sa efektivita prepravy ropy a budovanie systému riadenia núdzových zásob ropy a ropných produktov, stáva dôležitým prvom bezpečnosti systému každej krajiny. ; Despite the continuous search for alternative sources of energy for the life of the mature society, include still first place in its acquisition of the oil. In addition to its mining is an extremely important effective way for its transportation, since it is loca-ted only in a certain territory and into other countries must be transported. For this reason, each country aims on its own oil security, building emergency stocks and the management system of a safety of the state. Due to the tense economic and political situation, the efficiency of transport of crude oil and building a management system for emergency stocks of crude oil and petroleum products, becomes an important first safety system of each country.

The paper deals with current trends in securing objects and premises of state administration. Authors deal with possibilities of signaling evaluation from various types of security and detection systems. They deal very briefl y with the benefi ts of additional security systems in the evaluation of new technologies within the framework of uniform security systems. The second part is devoted to the key input systems. The pros and cons are described here, including notifi cations of one of the latest key entry systems, especially with regard to its contribution to the physical security of buildings and sites.

The outbreak of the First World War in 1914 was accompanied by mass enthusiasm. This
wave of enthusiasm (Kriegsbegeisterung) was particularly high in Austro-Hungary. In the regions
where the German population was significantly large crowds thronged the streets singing patriotic
songs such as "Wacht am Rhein", "Heil Dir im Siegeskranz", "The Radecky Marsch", "Prince
Eugene Marsch". They also arranged tributes in front of monuments, state buildings and military
headquarters. Despite the fact that the operation to mobilise the Czech military went smoothly
the German public noticed the lack of enthusiasm amidst the Czech soldiers and consequently the
Czechs were seen as indifferent and even hostile. There was an attempt to promote demonstrations
in Prague as an expression of Czech-German reconciliation. However as these were organised by
the German minority in Prague the Czechs continued in their lack of fervour and viewed the war
as a German one rather than Czech.

The major purpose of the article is to assess the contribution of the study of parties and party arrangements in Southeast Asian and Oceanian (particularly Melanesian and Polynesian) polities to contemporary comparative party research, as well as to party theory-building. The sub-continental frameworks of Southeast Asia and Oceania offer a large range of opportunities for comparative enterprises. However, the development of innovative theorizing drawing from investigations into Southeast Asian and Oceanian party phenomena has been constrained by persisting inconsistencies in the conceptualization and/or categorization of party arrangements, and -- even more importantly -- by a low awareness of methodological and epistemological problems that are involved in cross-area comparisons. The authors argue that a reassessment of research strategies is needed in order to change this situation. Adapted from the source document.

The paper aims to explain the development of the perception of national identity of the Christian Democratic Party (CDU), the strongest German political party in the past few decades. The paper focuses on election manifestos for the 1990, 1994, 1998, 2002, 2005, and 2009 elections. For this purpose, each manifesto is examined according to up to five analytical categories – such as values, nation, Europe, threats, and society. These categories explore the party's perception in a wider context instead of focusing only on direct references to national identity. The analysed period was divided into three phases with an emphasis on the internal crisis between the years 1998 and 2002. The crisis influenced policy priorities; therefore the perceptions of elements belonging to national identity were changed in order i) to gain victory in the general elections in 2002 and 2005, and ii) to reflect properly the state of German society. Therefore, significant policy shifts were made. These policy changes show how the party successfully integrated societal demands and preferences over the past decade. Thank to this, the CDU incorporated both conservative and liberal elements. This is evident in the case of incorporating liberal elements such as homosexual partnerships while, at the same time, actively stressing the importance of defending national interests. ; The paper aims to explain the development of the perception of national identity of the Christian Democratic Party (CDU), the strongest German political party in the past few decades. The paper focuses on election manifestos for the 1990, 1994, 1998, 2002, 2005, and 2009 elections. For this purpose, each manifesto is examined according to up to five analytical categories – such as values, nation, Europe, threats, and society. These categories explore the party's perception in a wider context instead of focusing only on direct references to national identity. The analysed period was divided into three phases with an emphasis on the internal crisis between the years 1998 ...

The study analyzes the formal powers of current European monarchs, and examines their actual use. We investigate the royal prerogatives of monarchs from ten European nations: Belgium, Denmark, Lichtenstein, Luxembourg, Monaco, the Netherlands, Norway, Spain, Sweden, and the United Kingdom. The text deals with four powers - legislative initiative, royal assent/veto, selection/appointment of the prime minister and dissolution of parliament. The constitutional power is described first; its real use in the period of 1990-2012 is then examined. At the end, a comparison of every single prerogative is carried out, conclusions about the actual position of monarchs in current European political systems are drawn, and a tentative answer to questions concerning the future of kings, princes, and grand dukes serving as heads of state in European countries is suggested. Adapted from the source document.

Infertility is a problem that affects around 15% of Czech couples of reproductive age. Using data from the survey 'Marriage, Work, Family' the objective of this analysis is to identify the attitudes that Czech men and women maintain towards various strategies for overcoming infertility (adoption, different forms of assisted reproduction) and the factors that influence and shape these attitudes. The fi rst part of the analysis looks for the determinants behind attitudes towards adoption and assisted reproduction in the respondent's external characteristics. For example, education and religion were found to have a signifi cant influence. More educated respondents are more open to methods of assisted reproduction; religious respondents are more open to adoption. In terms of inner determinants (the respondent's attitude patterns) the authors, building on the preference theory proposed by Catherine Hakim, found a preference effect among women. The fi ndings are seemingly paradoxical: of three groups of women (work-centred, home-centred, and adaptive) it is work-centred women (and the partners of work-centred women) who are most likely to take various infertility strategies into consideration. The third part of the analysis – an analysis of the external determinants of attitudes towards infertility strategies – revealed that in some cases attitudes are influenced by the characteristics of the partner more than by the respondent's own characteristics – in particular, the woman's attitudes are shaped more by the characteristics of her partner than by her own characteristics.

Příspěvek přednesený profesorem Hubou, současným předsedou výboru pre pôdohospodárstvo a životné prostredie Národní rady SR, na česko-slovenské Konferenci o udržitelném rozvoji a ústupu v Olomouci (8.11. 2012) hodnotí vývoj v oblasti životního prostředí z perspektivy uplynulých 25 let (od r. 1987, kdy vznikla Zpráva komise OSN pro životní prostředí a rozvoj s názvem Naše společná budoucnost, tzv. Zpráva Brundtlandové), či dokonce 40 let (v r. 1972 se konala Stockholmská konference o životním prostředí člověka). Rekapituluje jeho nejdůležitější milníky, kterých byl autor aktivním účastníkem, a to na úrovni globální, evropské, a v rámci Slovenska – v období jeho významných celospolečenských proměn. Kam tento vývoj směřuje – to je řečnická otázka, jejíž odpověď stále méně ovlivňují ti, kterým na budoucnosti opravdu záleží.(Z príspevku na česko-slovenskej konferencii o udržateľnom rozvoji a ústupe v Olomouci, 8.11. 2012) ; This paper, presented by Professor Huba, the current Chairman of the Committee for Agriculture and the Environment of the National Council of the Slovak Republic, at the Czecho-Slovak Conference on Sustainable Development and Retreat in Olomouc (8 Nov 2012), evaluates the development in the environmental sphere from the perspective of the past 25 years (since 1987, when the report Our Common Future from the United Nations World Commission on Environment and Development, known as the Brundtland Report, was published), or even 40 years (Stockholm Conference on the Human Environment was held in 1972). It recapitulates its major milestones, in which the author was actively involved at the global, European and Slovak levels at the time of a major society-wide transformation in Slovakia. Where this development leads is a rhetorical question the answer to which is less and less influenced by those to whom future really matters.