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Machine generated contents note: I OPENING THE FIELD -- 1 British history and 'The British history': the same old story? -- Philip Schwyzer -- 2 Revising criticism: Ireland and the British model -- Andrew Murphy --II CONTESTED PERIPHERIES -- 3 'The lost British lamb': English Catholic exiles and the problem of Britain -- Christopher Highley -- 4 Making history: Holinshed's Irish Chronicles, 1577 and 1587 -- Richard A. McCabe --III BRITISH SHAKESPEARE -- 5 Henry IV: metatheatrical Britain -- Matthew Greenfield -- 6 Uncertain unions: Welsh leeks in Henry V -- Patricia Parker -- 7 Delving to the root: Cymbeline, Scotland, and the English race -- Mary Floyd- Wilson --IV UNION QUESTIONS -- 8 Reinventing the matter of Britain: undermining the state in Jacobean masques -- Philippa Berry and Jayne Elisabeth Archer -- 9 'Mapping British identities: Speed's Theatre of the Empire of Great Britaine -- Christopher Ivic --V BRITAIN'S BRAVE NEW WORLD -- 10 Bruited abroad:John White and Thomas Harriot's colonial representations of ancient Britain -- Andrew Hadfield -- 11 The commonwealth of the word: New England, Old England, and the praying Indians -- Linda Gregerson --VI RESTORING BRITAIN -- 12 Orrery's Ireland and the British problem, 1641-1679 -- John Kerrigan -- 13 Jacobite literature and national identities -- Murray Pittock -- VII HISTORIANS RESPOND -- 14 Literature and the new British and Irish histories -- Jane Ohlmeyer -- 15 Text, time, and the pursuit of 'British identities' -- Derek Hirst

The influence of British colonialism on the development of Maltese national consciousness was both positive and negative. It involved a positive relationship, namely a linguistic one between English and Maltese, which encouraged social rapport between the British colonizers and the Maltese indigenous inhabitants; and the negative relationship between the sophisticated British culture and the uncultivated popular culture of the Maltese, which deteriorated into a violent psychological confrontation between the two highly disparate nationalities and traditions. In the first decades of the nineteenth century, an indigenous Maltese literature had gradually emerged and sought recognition. The elitist cultural orientation of Europe, including Great Britain, at first hampered such a process. As Europeans gradually accepted the esthetic values of folk culture, the Maltese popular heritage was able to attain a level of dignity. This study examines the social and political factors underlying the formation of a collective Maltese national consciousness. ; N/A

THE MALTESE LITERARY EXPERIENCE WAS A COHERENT SELF-CONSCIOUSNESS MOVEMENT THAT IMPELLED THE MALTESE TO AFFIRM THEIR IDENTITY AND TO SEEK THE NECESSARY MEANS TO ACHIEVE CONSTITUTIONAL EMANCIPATION. LITERATURE ALSO SERVED AS A STRATEGIC OPPOSITIONAL INSTRUMENT AGAINST THE COLONIAL GOVERNMENT AND PRESENTED AN ALTERNATIVE WAY OF THINKING FOR A PEOPLE LANGUISHING UNDER FOREIGN RULE.

There has been extensive research on Scottish, Welsh and Irish nationalism but little on British nationalism. Analysis of the British electorate shows that British nationalist sentiments cannot

be reduced to the conventional left–right and libertarian–authoritarian value dimensions, and constitute a distinct normative dimension in their own right. They are related to attitudes towards Europe, nuclear defence, Scottish devolution and Irish unification. Although by no means as important as the left–right dimension, they are at least as important in contemporary voting behaviour as the libertarian–authoritarian dimension.

Analysis of data from the 1993-1997 waves of the British Election Panel Study shows that British nationalist sentiments cannot be reduced to the conventional Left-Right & libertarian-authoritarian value dimensions, & constitute a distinct normative dimension in their own right. They are related to attitudes toward Europe, nuclear defense, Scottish devolution, & Irish unification. Although by no means as important as the Left-Right dimension, they are at least as important in contemporary voting behavior as the libertarian-authoritarian dimension. 7 Tables, 2 Appendixes. Adapted from the source document.

There has been extensive research on Scottish, Welsh and Irish nationalism but little on British nationalism. Analysis of the British electorate shows that British nationalist sentiments cannot be reduced to the conventional left-right and libertarian-authoritarian value dimensions, and constitute a distinct normative dimension in their own right. They are related to attitudes towards Europe, nuclear defence, Scottish devolution and Irish unification. Although by no means as important as the left-right dimension, they are at least as important in contemporary voting behaviour as the libertarian-authoritarian dimension. (British Journal of Political Science / FUB)

In Britain in recent years the study of tactical voting has become something of a growth industry. Unresolved, however, is a key question: the number of tactical voters. Despite an election-night estimate of 17 per cent, a variety of later analysts have estimated that little more than one in twenty voters behaved tactically in 1987, a surprisingly low figure in the light of the efforts of various groups to encourage tactical voting in order to avoid fragmentation of the anti-Thatcher vote. Most recently, Heath, Curtice and Jowell, in their analysis of the British Election Study survey, report that 'just 6.5% of major party voters indicated in their replies a tactical motivation for their vote'.