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In Russia, there exist legal norms providing for the protection of indigenous small-numbered peoples' rights. Yet, indigenous small-numbered peoples face multiple challenges when it comes to the implementation of their rights. After a brief presentation of the Russian legislation on the rights of indigenous small-numbered peoples, peculiarities of the Russian legal system and impediments to the legal provisions regulating the status of indigenous small-numbered peoples, this article addresses several issues related to the implementation of indigenous small-numbered peoples' rights in Russia today. One of the core issues is the attribution of individual members of indigenous communities to indigenous small-numbered peoples. Such an attribution is still challenging despite the newly adopted amendments to the 30 April 1999 Federal Law N 82-FL: 'On Guarantees of the Rights of Indigenous Small-Numbered Peoples of the Russian Federation'. Another issue is application of the notion 'foreign agent' to individuals and non-commercial organizations. Still another issue is the State's pressure on independent indigenous organizations. The final challenge is the possible impact of amendments to the Constitution approved by popular vote in July 2020 on the rights of indigenous small-numbered peoples.

This article examines how arguments about Russia are portrayed in the Norwegian petroleum debate regarding offshore drilling in the high north. Based on discourse analysis as a framework. the article examines how advocates of drilling have managed to get wide acceptance in the public sphere for their argument that Norway "must drill to help the environment." Such a statement is possible only if there are certain widely held perceptions in the Norwegian public about "Russia & the environment." These perceptions have little to do with recent experience regarding Russian petroleum industry or Russian environmental standards in general, but have more to do with notions which date back to the collapse of the Soviet Union. References. Adapted from the source document.

Having witnessed more than ten years of Yugoslav dissolution, it is time to ask whether the future will bring a victory for the nation-state or for integrated states. By going through the security policy challenges of today, as well as changes in the way the international community has approached the Balkans, the article ends up launching a third scenario. This combines the nation & integration scenarios in that it argues that the future may show a division into nation-states but also, at the same time, a greater degree of functional integration. Adapted from the source document.

The impacts of climate change on marine resources are well known and demand mitigation and adaptation measures in order to protect the ecosystems. This entails more than simply altering management practices; it requires altering goal setting and managing transitions to new ecosystemic conditions. In the European Union, the main legal tool for protection of the marine environment is the Marine Strategy Framework Directive. Greece, as a member state of the European Union, has transposed the Marine Strategy Framework Directive into its national legal order and has developed legal structures to protect its marine resources from various threats, including climate change.
The present paper aims to present the legal and policy management tools in Greece, relevant to implementation of the Marine Strategy Framework Directive and climate change adaptation. For methodological reasons, the paper is divided into two parts: The first part deals with those legal tools that apply to an initial assessment of the environmental quality of Greek marine waters, while the second part analyzes legislative activities pertinent to the design and implementation of programs and measures. The aim of the national legislation is to maintain the ecosystemic integrity of the marine waters of Greece and to preserve the unique characteristics of the aquatic environment with respect to present and future generations. However, the analysis shows that a holistic legal framework demands explicit provisions for climate change impacts, while the existing framework focuses primarily on anthropogenic pressures on the marine environment.

The article addresses the issue of indigenous agency and its influence on the contestation of indigenous rights norms in an extractive context from the perspective of organizations representing people, whose recognition as 'indigenous' is withheld by the Russian authorities. The article argues that a governance perspective and approach to recognition from 'below' provides a useful lens for comprehensively exploring strategies on norms contestation applied by these groups in the authoritarian normative context of Russia. Based on findings from a case study of Izhma-Komi organizations in the northwest Russian Arctic, the article identifies three strategies utilized by these organizations. By mobilizing inter-indigenous recognition, forging alliances with environmentalists and negotiating with an oil company, Izhma-Komi organizations have managed to extend certain rights and power previously not granted to them in an extractive context locally.

When Nordic political scientists talk about dictatorships, they often refer to dictators in exotic lands, forgetting that Denmark-Norway was a dictatorship between 1660 and 1814. During that period the country was an authoritarian dictatorship with some totalitarian characteristics that spent between 1/3 and 2/3 of its budget on the army. Denmark, Norway and Sweden - that shared similar characteristics - were eventually able to break away from this, due to the growth of stable administrative, juridical and to some extent social institutions. The development towards the final breakaway in Norway and Denmark, which occurred in 1814 respectively 1848, is described in detail. L. Pitkaniemi

A discussion of the book by Johan Jorgen Holst, Norsk sikkerhetspolitikk i strategisk perspektiv ([Norwegian Security Politics from a Strategic Perspective] Oslo: NUPI 1967), as an illustration of the importance of Norsk Utenrikpolitisk Institutt (Norwegian Institute of International Affairs [NUPI]) to political sciences. Adapted from the source document.

An introduction to the report Norwegian Self-Image and Norwegian Foreign Policy that describes similarities and differences between the image and foreign policy of Norway. Norwegian foreign policy has long been characterized by neutrality, compliance with international rules, moralization, internationalization and a focus on certain sectors. Geopolitics is one of these sectors and increasingly relevant in a world where countries are competing for natural resources to achieve energy security. While Norway portrays a good image by generously providing developmental and humanitarian aid and by maintaining a high profile in the UN, the country is also hurt by its high food tariffs, a strict immigration policy and its refusal to be part of the EU. Adapted from the source document.