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'Dialogical networks' are communications that occur in mass media. One of their characteristics is that contributions of individual actors - politicians, journalists, representatives of pressure groups, etc - are distributed in time & space. (A politician can, for instance, react in the media to what another politician expressed publicly elsewhere). Another central property of dialogical networks is that an individual's contribution to a network can be duplicated, or even multiplicated (eg, what is said in a TV studio may be reproduced in several newspapers). Working in a broadly ethnomethodological & conversation analytical framework, we focus on two aspects of sequential organization - adjacency pair structures & repair structures - with the aim to clarify the respects in which they differ in dialogical networks & in everyday conversations.

The article focuses on the role of informality in the life of post-communist societies in Central Europe. Its goal is to question the current negative connotation of informal networks in the context of post-communist society. For this purpose it analyses the criteria used in the relevant literature to distinguish between 'good' and 'bad' informal networks. Two main factors (the situational factor and the factor of relationship quality) are analysed from the perspective of their impact on the orientation of informal networks and their ability to predict which networks will have a positive or a negative influence on societal development. The author argues that neither of these two factors alone can fully explain the positive or negative orientation of a particular informal network in a given society. Instead he proposes a solution that combines several dimensions of both factors. In conclusion he identifies five types of informal networks in post-communist society: predatory, redistributory, helping, operating, and participative networks.

The aim of the article is to describe the relations between institutions in the public, private and non-profit sectors that are considered the most important actors of negotiation and decision-making in local development. These institutions and the relations between them are defined as a social network. A study was carried out in the small Czech towns of Blatná, Český Krumlov and Velké Meziříčí, and data were collected in 2007 and 2008. The first part of the article describes the institutional actors, the collection of the relational data, and the context of the three towns that were studied. The analytical part consists of social network analysis. Basic quantitative characteristics are used to describe and compare the social networks of the institutional actors in the local development of the three towns. The conclusions indicate the unconditional significance of local public administration institutions and the significance of other local institutions; relations to extra-local institutions are rather weak. A section on methodology at the end of the article contains methodological notes on Hellinger divergence and SNA.

The author aims to evaluate Regional Security Complex Theory (RSCT) with regard to another theoretical approach to security -- Network Actors Perspective (NAP). The evaluation will focus on how RSCT takes into account the influence of non-state actors on regional security dynamics & their growing deterritorialization. Firstly the regional level of analysis approach will be sketched, & the emphasis will lie on RSCT as defined by Barry Buzan & Ole Wcver. It's important characteristics & features will be critically compared with those of NAP. The result will be further illustrated through a case of a regional security complex -- the Horn of Africa. Adapted from the source document.

Les protestes socials esdevingudes en nombrosos països durant els últims tres anys –des de Tunísia i l'anomenada "Primavera àrab" fins a les recents mobilitzacions a Turquia o Brasil– han fet aflorar un debat sobre la possible dimensió global i transestatal de totes elles. El present article pretén realitzar una aproximació descriptiva i analítica a aquest intens cicle de protestes, reflexionant sobre les diferències i similituds existents entre elles, el paper que Internet i les xarxes socials han tingut en el curs de les diferents mobilitzacions o, entre altres aspectes, el repertori d'accions que han emprat. Més enllà d'aquests trets compartits o no, l'article mira d'emfasitzar la importància d'entendre aquest cicle de mobilitzacions com un procés de repolitització social que combina les contradiccions i conflictes locals de cada context en particular amb l'aparent existència d'una demanda global per major democratització política, regeneració institucional, justícia social i reapropiació d'allò comú. ; The social protests that have take place in many countries over the past three years - from Tunisia and the so-called Arab Spring to the recent protests in Turkey and Brazil - have given rise to a debate about the possible global and transnational dimension they may have. This paper sets out to develop a descriptive and analytical approach to this intense cycle of protests, reflecting on the differences and similarities between all of them, the role that the Internet and social networks have had in the course of the different demonstrations and, among other things, the repertoire of actions that have been used. Beyond these shared traits, the paper seeks to emphasize the importance of understanding this cycle of mobilization as a social re-politicization process that combines local contradictions and conflicts of each particular context with the apparent existence of a global demand for greater political democratization, institutional regeneration, social justice and reappropriation of the common. ; Las protestas sociales acaecidas en numerosos países durante los últimos tres años –desde Túnez y la llamada "Primavera árabe" hasta las recientes movilizaciones en Turquía o Brasil– han hecho aflorar un debate sobre la posible dimensión global y transestatal de todas ellas. El presente artículo pretende realizar una aproximación descriptiva y analítica a este intenso ciclo de protestas, reflexionando sobre las diferencias y similitudes existentes entre todas ellas, el papel que Internet y las redes sociales han tenido en el curso de las diferentes movilizaciones o, entre otros aspectos, el repertorio de acciones que han utilizado. Más allá de estos rasgos compartidos o no, el artículo trata de enfatizar la importancia de entender este ciclo de movilizaciones como un proceso de repolitización social que combina las contradicciones y conflictos locales de cada contexto en particular con la aparente existencia de una demanda global por mayor democratización política, regeneración institucional, justicia social y reapropiación de lo común.

One Hundred Years of Solitude – mapping of a temporary networkUsing the case of the LARP One Hundred Years of Solitude, based on the book by Gabriel García Márquez, this article presents the process of the game's formation by mapping interactions leading to the constitution and upkeep of the game reality. In the description of the game's development as a temporary autonomous network, special emphasis is put on the rise of the game's agency. The process of LARP's evolution is presented as a chronological action, beginning in the moment when the game is too weak to be autonomous, and follows the process of recruiting mediators as a necessary precursor to the players' connection into the game's network. Furthermore, the process of the players taking over recruitment activity is presented, followed by the final stage, when the game and characters acquire an active role in steering the game themselves. The article is inspired by actor-network theory, which offers multiple ways of analysing interactions, as well as the consolidation and subsequent dissolution of the game network. By creating a map of game interactions, the article tries to present an alternative perspective to the traditional concept of the magic circle.

Using the case of the Lebanese movement Hezbollah, the article deals with the phenomenon of the governance of non-state armed groups in failing states and the conditions for its emergence. It argues that one of the key requirements for the emergence and long-term preservation of a non-state armed group's authority is its fulfillment of functions usually associated with the state (such as the provision of security, public goods and services and the legitimation of its authority) that the failing state is not able to provide. The study specifically shows how Hezbollah is able to substitute for or complement the Lebanese state in each of its functions and consecutively use the wide network of its governance institutions for strengthening its political authority. As a result of Hezbollah's practices and strategies of governance, the forms of political control of the territory are being gradually changed and hybridized. Adapted from the source document.

Analýza politiky ve světle dosavadních výzkumů -- Význam působení aktérů v sítích zaměřených na konkrétní otázky -- Vliv a strategie nepolitických aktérů v politických sítích -- Role politických aktérů na regionální úrovni -- Role politických aktérů na komunální úrovni: volby a koalice v kontextu teorie analýzy politiky -- Závěrem: analýza politiky a inspirace k dalším výzkumům

Research made by the Public opinion research center team as a mothly part of "Our Society 2009" project researching views and opinions of Czech citizens. Data collection was done by the Public opinion research center interviewers network.

Research made by the Public opinion research center team as a mothly part of "Our Society 2011" project researching views and opinions of Czech citizens. Data collection was done by the Public opinion research center interviewers network.

Research made by the Public opinion research center team as a mothly part of "Our Society 2010" project researching views and opinions of Czech citizens. Data collection was done by the Public opinion research center interviewers network.