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THE AUTHOR ARGUES IN THIS ARTICLE THAT NIETZSCHE'S THOUGHT HAS ENTERED THE CANON OF POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY IN AN UNSATISFACTORY MANNER, AND THAT THE RELATION BETWEEN NIETZSCHE AND POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY NEEDS TO BE RECONCEIVED. HE SUGGESTS THAT A STRATEGY FOR DOING SO SHOULD FOLLOW FROM NIETZSCHE'S PHILOSOPHY OF POWER, A CRITICAL ONTOLOGY OF PRACTICE FOCUSING ON THE POSSIBILITY OF HUMAN AGENCY IN A HISTORICAL WORLD, AND NOT FROM HIS OVERT POLITICAL POSITIONS. FINALLY, HE CLAIMS THAT NIETZSCHE'S POLITICS FOLLOW FROM HIS PHILOSOPHY ONLY BECAUSE HE HOLDS TO SEVERAL UNCRITICAL ASSUMPTIONS ABOUT POLITICS IN MODERN SOCIETIES. WITHOUT THESE ASSUMPTIONS, THE POLITICAL IMPLICATIONS OF NIETZSCHE'S PHILOSOPHY TURN OUT TO BE LESS NARROW THAN HIS OWN POLITICAL VISION SUGGESTS.

This essay explores three questions: (1) What are the salient features of Hobbes's concept of prudence? Prudence for Hobbes is a capacity to predict the future rooted in experience. (2) Can "Hobbesian individuals" have significantly different capacities for prudence? Challenging a common view, asserted even by Hobbes himself, I contend that Hobbes's own conception of prudence yields significant variation across individuals' capacities for prudence. (3) What is the role of prudence in Hobbes's political thought? A consequence of the significant variation among individuals is that prudence plays a much more consequential role in Hobbes's political philosophy than is often appreciated. Adapted from the source document.

Jensen reviews 'Freedom in Rousseau's Political Philosophy' by Daniel E. Cullen.

Classical political philosophy does not claim to be superior to philosophy nor to revelation. Political philosophy is the highest of the practical sciences, itself a unique and legitimate source of specific knowledge that would limit politics to be politics. For the things beyond politics to be free to be confronted in their own nonpolitical order, the polity must itself be constructed in such a way as not to kill its saints or philosophers. Traditionally, theology has been its own science, not the queen of the practical sciences, but the queen of the sciences. This meant that theology, as an articulated statement of revelation, performed a needed check when politics itself became a substitute metaphysics. Since so much theology is itself modeled on the ideologies of modernity, classical political philosophy serves a double purpose, not only to limit the city to its own area, but to restrain those theologies based on modern ideologies. Thus political philosophy serves to allow revelation to be itself.