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Abstract
The author's purpose in this brief discussion piece is to suggest and describe a new ethos for engineering education and practice based on the themes of maintenance. Appreciating maintenance—the essential act and responsibility of repairing, restoring, renewing, refurbishing, and caring—can strengthen the link between engineering and civic goals in society, and could ultimately help boost the civic competencies of engineering.

Attempts to map the political development of individuals inevitably become involved with the relative contribution of different socialization agencies throughout the life cycle. Research has focused to a large extent on the family and to a much lesser degree on other agents such as the educational system. At the secondary school level very little has been done to examine systematically the selected aspects of the total school environment. To gain some insight into the role of the formal school environment, this paper will explore the relationship between the civics curriculum and political attitudes and behavior in American high schools.A number of studies, recently fortified by data from Gabriel Almond and Sidney's Verba's five-nation study, stress the crucial role played by formal education in the political socialization process.[None of the other variables] compares with the educational variable in the extent to which it seems to determine political attitudes. The uneducated man or the man with limited education is a different political actor from the man who has achieved a high level of education.1Such conclusions would not have greatly surprised the founders of the American republic, for they stressed the importance of education to the success of democratic and republican government. Starting from its early days the educational system incorporated civic training. Textbooks exposing threats to the new republic were being used in American schools by the 1790's. By 1915, the term "civics" became associated with high school courses which emphasized the study of political institutions and citizenship training.2

Explores how public health concerns and political agendas influenced each other in the US over the past centuryProvides a comparison of the Spanish Flu and Covid-19 pandemics, giving insights into how the US government responded and what has been learned over the past centuryCovers how responses to disease have stratified society along race, gender, and class lines, furthering inequality instead of improving public healthIncludes cross-disciplinary studies, ranging from the hisoty of medicine to social history, economics and cultural studiesIncludes case studies which are based on unique research on specific threats to public health such as polio, diabetes, HIV-AIDS, and TuberculosisThe case studies critically examine the varying governmental and market-based responses to public health crises, and how these have changed and clashed over timeThis book offers an insightful discussion of the complex relationship between public health, US democracy and power during the so-called American century. It sheds light on the intricate history of the US public health system, examining how the development of the federal government has shaped its trajectory. By exploring the intertwined roles of politics, race and socio-economic factors, the contributors uncover the challenges and contradictions of public health in the US from the Spanish Flu to Covid-19. They also investigate the connections between public health and America's aspirations as a global power, as well as its domestic implications for social cohesion and institutional legitimacy. The focus on the American century provides a critical historical timeframe for an in-depth understanding of the connections between public health, people and power, on both the domestic and global stages

In the Global South, Indigenous and Native people continue to live under colonial relations within formally independent nation-states. Sebastian Garbe offers a critical perspective on contemporary expressions of international solidarity and transnational advocacy. He combines approaches from critical race and decolonial studies with an activist ethnography on networked spaces of encounters created through solidarity activism by Mapuche and non-Mapuche actors. Departing from those experiences, this book not only presents potential pitfalls of transnational advocacy but suggests new ways of understanding and practicing solidarity

Frontmatter -- Contents -- Introduction -- 1. The Feudal Roots and Modern Emergence of Dual Nationality -- 2. International Threat, Moral Disgrace -- 3. Congress, the Courts, and the World against Dual Citizenship -- 4. Turning the Corner on Dual Citizenship -- 5. Acceptance and Embrace -- 6. Dual Citizenship and the Rise of Diaspora -- 7. Dual Citizenship as Human Right -- 8. Dual Citizenship, Declining Citizenship -- Acknowledgments -- Notes -- Selected Bibliography -- Index -- About the Author

Dissatisfaction with existing governments, a broad shift to "post‐representative democracy" and the rise of participatory media are leading toward the visibility of different forms of civic participation. "Participatory civics" uses tools of participatory media and relies on theories of change beyond influencing representative governments to seek change. This article offers a framework to describe participatory civics in terms of theories of change used and demands places on the participant, and examines some of the implications of the rise of participatory civics, including the challenges of deliberation in a diverse and competitive digital public sphere.

Introduction -- A complaint to the authorities : what it is, and what it can tell us -- Development of the Soviet mechanism of complaints : a request for justice in the context of the socialist project -- Request for justice through the late Soviet mechanism of complaints : how and to whom? -- Post-Soviet transformations of the mechanism of complaints -- New mechanism of complaints in action : what's changed?

Research on civic development in schools has identified a number of promising practices for increasing civic knowledge and interest among youth. This study examines the relationship between the most promising practices and increased political engagement as a young adult, using the likelihood of voting as a proxy. By assessing nationally representative survey data using a linear probability model, I explore whether youth who take civics in high school are more likely to vote as young adults. Results show a significant positive association between taking a civics course and extracurricular participation in high school, and likelihood of voting as a young adult, even after adjusting for other determinants of civics education and voter turnout. This paper explains the significance of these findings and makes the case for the importance of high school civic education and for further exploration of the factors involved in the process.

"Civics for new Americans is designed to form a consecutive course with the two books of English for foreigners, by Sara R. O'Brien."--Foreword. ; Mode of access: Internet.

This series of scholarly chapters explores the unpleasant realities of modern politics - and American politics in particular - by examining how self- interest, war, violence, deception and institutional failure continue to characterize the political landscape. Author Benjamin Ginsberg argues that the political world in which we like to think we live - the world of civic engagement, representative government and principled political discourse - is fleeting and fragile, resting uneasily upon the foundation of a harsh and dark reality. Making a fundamental contribution to our understandings of politics, this book is an important read for students and scholars of American Politics and Government.

Does civics education increase political knowledge among 14-year-olds? If not, what does? As it is widely held that competent democratic citizenship requires at minimum a basic level of political knowledge, civic education for American youth has long been considered an important mission of America's schools (Dewey, 1916; Merriam, 1934; Nie et al., 1996; Niemi & Junn, 1998; Galston, 2001). Despite increases in the twentieth century in overall education levels, political knowledge of Americans, particularly young adults, remains low (Delli Carpini & Keeter, 1996). For decades, conventional wisdom among political scientists, driven by the research of Langton & Jennings (1968), was that civics education has little effect on political knowledge (Campbell 2006). In recent years, however, researchers have begun challenging this consensus, publishing studies that suggest civics education has some positive, if modest, effect on political knowledge (Niemi & Junn, 1998; Torney-Purta, 2002; Hartry & Porter (2004); Pasek et al., 2008).