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La tesi analizza le modalità di applicazione del diritto internazionale a livello interno, con particolare riguardo al ruolo svolto dalle autorità politiche nazionali.

From its colonial history, the twin-island state of Trinidad and Tobago inherited a uniquely diverse population of 1.3 million, including descendants of East Indians, Africans, Chinese, Syrians and Lebanese, French, Spanish, Portuguese and British, among others. The legacy of the British divide et impera, paired with the perceived ethnic diversity, has been marking and re-producing a deep "Us vs. Them" division, especially between the two major ethnic groups of East Indians (35.4%) and Africans (34.2%). For over forty years, the two ethnic groups have been struggling for political control through census counts and voting along ethnic lines. Although elections in the country have always served as "the critical arbiter in adjudicating the rival claims by the main ethno-cultural communities for power and privilege" (Premdas 2004: 19), the 2010 General Election seemed to have marked a turning point in the history of the nation. On May 24th, Trinidad and Tobago elected Kamla Persad-Bissessar, its first female Prime Minister and only the second person of East Indian origin to hold the PM office in 48 years of independence. Breaking out of the country's rigid bipolar political mould, Persad-Bissessar won as the leader of the People's Partnership, a new coalition party that comprised both East Indian and African political forces and movements. She defeated Patrick Manning's People's National Movement and succeeded in winning 29 seats out of the 41 in the House of Representatives. Taking this unprecedented political success as its starting point, this dissertation explores the discursive and political strategies behind Persad-Bissessar's election, analyzing a large corpus of textual and visual data from the People's Partnership campaign. The starting assumption is that Persad-Bissessar broadened her electorate not only by presenting a carefully engineered coalition party but also by discursively positing a new, inclusive identity space throughout the campaign and advocating a politics of inter-ethnic harmony in the country. Therefore, I set to analyze how Persad-Bissessar engaged in a multi-levelled discursive construction of identities, defining her role as the first woman PM candidate in the history of the country, legitimizing her coalition solution to political tribalisms, as well as fostering a wider national sense of belonging. As political communication has increasingly grown beyond the realm of verbal language, understanding Persad-Bissessar's political meaning-making required both the analysis of her election speeches as well as the study of a number of multimodal texts, such as video and printed ads as well as official portraits, which played a crucial role in the political advertising of her coalition. Within a Critical Discourse Analysis framework, I will combine the 'Discourse-Historical Approach' (Wodak and Meyer 2009) for the analysis of Persad-Bissessar's textual data and Kress and van Leeuwen's (1996) 'Visual Grammar' for the analysis of the visual data. Although the English-speaking Caribbean is home to the largest set of continuing democracies among postcolonial countries around the globe, political discourse from the archipelago is yet to receive adequate scholarly attention. The analysis of political discourse in Trinidad and Tobago has the potential to shed light on the complexities, struggles and contradictions of the postcolonial Trinidad and Tobago by integrating knowledge about historical sources and the social and political environment within which discourse as social practice is embedded. Starting from the analysis of political discourse, this work aims at offering a new, discursive perspective on ethnicity, identity and power in Trinidad and Tobago as well as increasing scholarly awareness for the development of a critical interpretative stance for political texts and talks beyond the Euro-American zone.

In quello che Paolo Grossi chiama il medioevo sapienziale i giuristi si impegnano a definire una serie di regole tese alla composizione delle controversie di confine: non ci sono infatti testi normativi precostituiti che le definiscano. Il Corpus Iuris si occupa, quasi esclusivamente, della conflittualità confinaria tra privati. Quando il richiamo ai testi del diritto romano viene effettuato serve solo per conferire 'autorevolezza' a soluzioni che assai spesso si fondano su pratiche di composizione legate alla prassi. Le regole elaborate dai giuristi medievali trovano così la loro formalizzazione sul piano del diritto, ma rinviano a un modo di vivere i confini tra comunità legato agli spostamenti, alle abitudini, alle comuni necessità esistenziali. D'altra parte l'esistenza di demarcazioni nette (che pure esistono) rinvia non tanto a una pretesa politica esclusiva e totalizzante, quanto piuttosto all'esercizio di diritti e prerogative determinati. ; In what Paolo Grossi calls «the sapiential Middle Ages» jurists engaged themselves in defining a set of rules aiming at the settlement of boundary disputes, which previously were not established by any normative text. The Corpus Iuris concerns nearly exclusively boundary disputes between private individuals. References to texts of the Roman law were meant to give 'authority' to resolutions often based upon customary praxis. The norms elaborated by Middle Ages jurists are thus given a formal legal shape; yet, they are linked to a perception of the boundaries between communities that was affected by the displacements, the customs, the common needs of everyday life. On the other side the existence of actual neat demarcations was linked to the exertion of certain rights and privileges rather than to an exclusive and absolute political claim.

In quello che Paolo Grossi chiama il medioevo sapienziale i giuristi si impegnano a definire una serie di regole tese alla composizione delle controversie di confine: non ci sono infatti testi normativi precostituiti che le definiscano. Il Corpus Iuris si occupa, quasi esclusivamente, della conflittualità confinaria tra privati. Quando il richiamo ai testi del diritto romano viene effettuato serve solo per conferire 'autorevolezza' a soluzioni che assai spesso si fondano su pratiche di composizione legate alla prassi. Le regole elaborate dai giuristi medievali trovano così la loro formalizzazione sul piano del diritto, ma rinviano a un modo di vivere i confini tra comunità legato agli spostamenti, alle abitudini, alle comuni necessità esistenziali. D'altra parte l'esistenza di demarcazioni nette (che pure esistono) rinvia non tanto a una pretesa politica esclusiva e totalizzante, quanto piuttosto all'esercizio di diritti e prerogative determinati. ; In what Paolo Grossi calls «the sapiential Middle Ages» jurists engaged themselves in defining a set of rules aiming at the settlement of boundary disputes, which previously were not established by any normative text. The Corpus Iuris concerns nearly exclusively boundary disputes between private individuals. References to texts of the Roman law were meant to give 'authority' to resolutions often based upon customary praxis. The norms elaborated by Middle Ages jurists are thus given a formal legal shape; yet, they are linked to a perception of the boundaries between communities that was affected by the displacements, the customs, the common needs of everyday life. On the other side the existence of actual neat demarcations was linked to the exertion of certain rights and privileges rather than to an exclusive and absolute political claim.

In the last decades, much work have been done to deconstruct the mechanisms of government in Early Medieval Europe. In that task, the interpretation of the settlement of disputes and royal/imperial diplomas as the basis of the central government strategies in local spheres has been underlined by recent historiography. Following this methodology, the aim of this article is, thus, to analyze the mechanisms of governance in the March of Tuscany in a time characterized by political fluidity, focusing in the role played by the kings and lay and ecclesiastical aristocracies in the construction of complex political systems.

The paper introduces the World War I memorials in Hungary within the historiographical framework of the 'memory boom'. It discusses the artistic sources that were used in their formation, their characteristics and types. Special attention is paid to the description of their role as a communication tool in the hands of contemporary politics. Brief overview concentrating on legal requirements and on elements of the commemoration acts provides a historical and social background for the case study. The center memorial that still exists in the capital of Hungary, is analyzed thoroughly with detailed descriptions and contextualization. The three phases of the National Heroes' Monument can be seen as the three sections of Hungarian history in 20th century, and an artistic realization of the contemporary power's message about the given section of the past. At the end, the author places the paper's topic into the scholarly discourse of nation building, by adapting the notion of imagined community of Anderson, Calhoun and Finlayson.

Questa tesi punta a ricostruire il pensiero politico di Bell tra il secondo dopoguerra e la metà degli anni Settanta. In tale arco cronologico, la riflessione politica di Bell si profila, per usare una formula di Jean-François Lyotard, come una «grande narrazione» del capitalismo. Nel complesso, cioè, l'opera di Bell appare come una storia sociologica del capitalismo, che nella fine delle ideologie registra l'apogeo del fordismo e, in seguito, ne mette in luce le trasformazioni in senso post-industriale, indagando le ricadute che tali mutamenti implicano sul piano dei rapporti di potere e della legittimazione del sistema. Nell'ottica di Bell, pertanto, il capitalismo non costituisce soltanto un sistema economico, ma la forma specifica attraverso cui si dispiega la società nel suo complesso, attivando una serie di rapporti di potere mediante i quali gli individui vengono coordinati e subordinati. Una siffatta concezione del capitalismo agisce immediatamente la questione del potere e solleva un interrogativo a esso connesso: «che cosa tiene insieme una società?». Una domanda che attraversa la traiettoria intellettuale di Bell e, sia pure declinata mediante una terminologia sociologica, riflette in realtà l'ambizione delle scienze sociali di farsi teoria politica. Esse si presentano quindi come teoria politica della modernità, nella misura in cui distinguono il potere sociale dal potere politico e, al tempo stesso, instaurano tra i due poli una tensione dialettica produttiva. Mettendo a fuoco la concettualizzazione del potere nell'opera di Bell si analizzeranno le mutazioni nel rapporto tra Stato e società negli Stati Uniti durante la Golden Age del capitalismo. In particolare, si metterà in luce nella grande narrazione di Bell l'ascesa e il declino di un ordine istituzionale che, alla metà degli anni Settanta, appare percorso da molteplici tensioni politiche e sociali che preannunciano l'avvento dell'età globale e il bisogno di una nuova "scala" di governo. ; This dissertations deals with Daniel Bell's political thought between the post-war era and the Seventies. During these years, Bell's political reflection appears to be, to say it in the words of Jean-François Lyotard, a «grand narrative» of capitalism. Overall, Bell's work is a sociological history of capitalism. It points out the height of fordism by assuming the end of ideology, and then sheds light on the post-industrial transformations, looking at the effects produced on power relations and the legitimacy of the socio-political system. In Bell's view, capitalism is not only an economic system, but a complex social system which places individuals in the power structure by means of subordination and coordination. «What holds a society together?» is the question that go trough the whole trajectory of his reflection. It looks a sociological question, but actually it is a political question, because the order of society depends on the legitimacy of obligation relationships. The link between politics and sociology marks Bell's thought and shows how social sciences are assumed to be the political theory of modernity: they analyze the political side of social relations as well as the social element inherent to the workings of political institutions. In other words, I look at the way in which Bell, «the sociologist of capitalism» as «The Economist» put it, distinguishes between social power and political power and then makes them interact. Focusing on Bell's view of power I analyze the transformations occurred in the relationship between State and society in the US during the so-called Golden Age of Capitalism. Particularly, drawing the trajectory of this «grand narrative» of capitalism up to mid-seventies, I highlight that Bell recognizes the coming of a global age, full of political and social strains, and the need of a new institutional scale to cope with them.

The chapter deals with the role of the European political parties within the composite framework of the Euro-national parliamentary system. To this end, the genesis and the developments of the European political parties are retraced taking into account the evolution of national political parties and their rules, in particular in Italy, as the former are likewise strongly affected by national political and constitutional dynamics, as well as from global challenges like the financial and migration crises, the terrorist threat, and the environmental problems. The chapters focuses first on the main evolutionary stages of the European political parties. In this context, the chapters then examines the relationship, still undervalued, between European political parties and groups in the EP and, finally, analyses the main novelties of the Regulation EU no. 1141/2014, the experiment of the Spitzenkadidaten and the attempt to adopt an uniform electoral procedure for the EP. ; Il contributo esamina il ruolo dei partiti politici europei nella prospettiva composita del sistema parlamentare euro nazionale. A tal fine, la genesi e lo sviluppo dei partiti politici europei sono ripercorsi tenendo conto anche dell'evoluzione dei partiti politici e della loro regolamentazione negli Stati membri e in particolare in Italia, essendo i primi fortemente influenzati dalle dinamiche politiche e costituzionali nazionali, nonché dalla sfide globali, quali le crisi finanziarie e migratorie, la minaccia terroristica, i problemi ambientali. Il contributo si sofferma prima sulle principali tappe evolutive dei partiti politici europei: la prima fase, dal 1951 al 1989, vede l'assenza di partiti politici europei in senso stretto, strutturati e riconosciuti dall'allora diritto comunitario, ma corrisponde al consolidamento delle famiglie politiche europee e dei gruppi politici in seno al Parlamento europeo (PE); la seconda fase, dal 1989 al 2007, è segnata da una profonda trasformazione dei sistemi partitici nazionali, dal tentativo di muovere l'integrazione europea in una prospettiva più politica e, finalmente, dalla definizione del ruolo e degli obiettivi dei "partiti politici a livello europeo" sia nel diritto primario che in quello derivato dell'Unione; la terza fase, dal 2007 ad oggi, è segnata dall'obiettivo, ancora non conseguito, di rendere i partiti politici europei uno strumento di collegamento con l'opinione pubblica e la cittadinanza europea. Nell'ambito di quest'ultima fase, il contributo esamina poi il rapporto, ancora poco valorizzato, tra partiti politici europei e gruppi del PE e, infine, analizza le principali novità della VIII legislatura europea, il Regolamento UE 1141/2014, l'esperimento dello Spitzenkadidaten e il tentativo di creare una procedura elettorale uniforma per il PE. ; Niniejszy artykuł dotyczy problematyki roli europejskich partii politycznych w ponadnarodowym systemie parlamentarnym. Punktem wyjścia do podjęcia rozważań jest ukazanie genezy i ewolucji europejskich partii politycznych na tle rozwoju partii politycznych na szczeblu krajowym. Przedmiotem szczególnego zainteresowania jest praktyka funkcjonowania na arenie europejskiej włoskich partii politycznych, które pozostając pod silnym wpływem krajowej dynamiki politycznej i konstytucyjnej, muszą sprostać globalnym wymaganiom, takim jak: kryzys finansowy i migracji, zagrożenia terrorystyczne czy problemy środowiskowe. Ukazując relacje, jakie zachodzą pomiędzy europejskimi partiami politycznymi a grupami w Parlamencie Europejskim, przedstawiono także główne innowacje wynikające z Rozporządzenia UE nr 1141/2014, w tym eksperyment z wprowadzeniem instytucji tzw. Spitzenkadidaten oraz próbą przyjęcia jednolitej procedury wyborczej do PE.