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The theory of coalitions has been a significant part of political science analysis since 1960. We can distinguish two traditions in the theory of coalitions -- the American tradition & the European one. While the American theory of coalitions puts an emphasis on game theory, the European theory of coalitions focuses on political culture, traditions & social environment. The two traditions evaluate existing coalitions differently. This article demonstrates these different approaches by analyzing governmental coalitions in Saxony in the 1990s. Figures, References. Adapted from the source document.

In the article, the author presents money as a category of analysis in political science, & briefly embeds research in this field in a broader disciplinary context (economics, sociology, financial geography). Emphasis is stressed on Helleiner's book "The Making of National Money." Helleiner deals with the emergence of territorial currencies in the long-term, & is considered to be the most important & influential author within the field of political science. In the first part, the article focuses on Helleiner's description of the structural-historical conditions for the introduction of territorial currencies, as well as on the ideological motivations that led political elites to introduce territorial currencies. A comprehensive historical description of this process is put aside. At the end, the author critically evaluates Helleiner's contribution to this problem. Adapted from the source document.

In recent years, the issue of political parties' attitudes to European integration has become especially important in political science research. This article focuses on skeptical party attitudes to the European Union & critically evaluates the conceptualization of euroskepticism. First, it discusses the most applicable typologies, especially Taggart & Szczerbiak's distinction between "hard" & "soft" forms of euroskepticism. Second, it points out the insufficient & vague definition of the concept of "soft" euroskepticism. References. Adapted from the source document.

The article discusses the definition & typology of anti-system parties. It is based on the classical definition by Giovanni Sartori, which is in my opinion not obsolete. On the contrary it is still very usable, but under the condition that we stay on the ground of party theory & party systems, & not transfer it to the field of democratic theory. The next part of the text focuses on Giovanni Capoccia's attempt in 2002 to modify Sartori's theory & create a new typology of anti-system parties is very interesting but not very progressive. It seems that Capoccia makes the same, or at least very similar, propositions as Sartori. I think we should call "anti-system" only those parties which conform to Sartori's rigorous definition. The parties conforming to Sartori's wide definition should not be named "anti-system" but rather "extreme." So, we have two separate categories of opposition parties: 1) anti-system, & 2) extreme. The first one is ideological opposition against the political system. The second is simply extreme, radical opposition against the government, or at the most, against some part of the political system, but not against the system as a whole. The second main proposition of the article concerns the problem of a typology of anti-system parties. According to the view mentioned above & based on Capoccia's typology, I have created a modified typology. It correlates two parameters, ideological & relational. The result is five types of parties: anti-system parties, extreme parties, irrelevant anti-system parties, camouflaged anti-system parties, & pro-system parties. Adapted from the source document.

The main goals of the transformed military-political bloc in Burma are to create an "Asian democracy" in the country and to continue in its control of its economic and political life. For this purpose, it adopted a new constitution, organized general elections, and established the current national and state parliaments and the new government. The main pillars of its actual power are the office of the president, the parliaments, the army and the pro-government Union Solidarity and Development Party. Meanwhile, the democratic opposition movement is weak and fragmented. Also the ethnic minorities' movement is unable to create a common political platform on the national level. In this situation, it is hard to expect radical changes in the political development in Burma. The domination of the transformed military-political bloc will thus continue. Adapted from the source document.

The article presents a brief survey of selected trends observable within political science in the Czech Republic & offers a tentative interpretation of some major features that can be seen as typical for the current state of the field. However, the article is not intended as a comprehensive analysis; rather, it is meant to open up a discussion related to self-perceptions in Czech political science, & their relation to reality. Issues like methodological, research & teaching foci are all elaborated here, & serve to highlight the possible weaknesses & benefits of Czech political science, thus claiming a space for further, more substantial research. In this sense, the article should be understood as an attempt to make Czech political science launch a process of its own self-definition & self-identification. Adapted from the source document.

The article discusses the concept of cleavages in the 21st century. Cleavages are understood as the criteria dividing members of a community or sub-community into groups. The application of the original Lipset & Rokkan cleavage theory on the current socio-political reality can be done only with difficulties, or at the price of considerable simplification (which is the consequence of the defreezing of party systems). Therefore on the basis of the work of Mair & Bartolini, the article looks for the criteria "that makes cleavage a cleavage." Furthermore, using the example of the digital divide concept, it is shown there are at present latent cleavages in society, but their "strength" & importance is dependent on their saliency (in connection with political actor behavior). This leads to the assumption that current cleavages are "dynamic" rather than "static.". Adapted from the source document.

This paper aims to review the concepts & theories of political participation. The first part presents classic definitions of political participation offered by Verba, Barnes, & Kaase. Subsequently it shows how the repertoire of political activities has changed since the time these classical concepts were formulated. The paper argues that the transformation of political participation happened in three distinct dimensions, ie., goals, targets, & space. On this basis, drawing on Teorell as well as Rosenstone & Hansen, a new definition of political participation as "action by ordinary citizens directed toward influencing some political outcomes: distribution of social goods & norms" is introduced. The second part of the paper deals with theories of political participation. It presents a three-level explanatory model that corresponds to the level of analysis used by particular theories: micro (individual), meso (intermediary), & macro (structural) levels. Last but not least, the paper focuses on major theories explaining political participation: individual resources & political values (micro), social capital (meso), & modernization & institutional explanation (macro). Adapted from the source document.

A review essay on a book by Lenka A. Rovna, Kdo vladne Britanii? ([Who Governs Great Britain?] Prague, Czech Republic: Sociologicke nakladatelstvi, 2004). References.