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"The creation of empires that oppressed indigenous peoples, the two World Wars and the campaigns of ethnic "cleansing" and genocide that accompanied these wars and other conflicts, and international movements calling for the elimination of racial discrimination, are but a few examples that attest the impact racial prejudice, or racism, has had on international relations. Despite this history, racism's relevance is seldom mentioned in International Relations (IR) courses offered in universities or in IR textbooks. Instead, IR scholars have often explained the behavior of states using the framework of theories that highlight variables and themes such as power, fear, and the search for security in an anarchic world. Racism, Diplomacy, and International Relations addresses this underappreciation of the significance of racism in international relations by focusing on its conception as a doctrine and its interrelationship with imperialism; its doctrinal role in the development of the discipline of IR; and various episodes from Western and Asian history in which racism had affected state behavior and the practice of diplomacy. These approaches will be taken to support the argument that racism had not only substantially influenced the course of international relations but that it continues to do so in the 21st century, making it imperative that policymakers are aware of racism's deleterious legacy. The interdisciplinary perspective taken herein in examining and assessing racism's impact in international relations and diplomacy will appeal to a general audience including students, policymakers, and those who are interested in building a more tolerant and just world"--

Why do states still need diplomats? Despite instantaneous electronic communication and rapid global travel, the importance of ambassadors and embassies has in many ways grown since the middle of the nineteenth century. However, in theories of international relations, diplomats are often neglected in favor of states or leaders, or they are dismissed as old-fashioned.David Lindsey develops a new theory of diplomacy that illuminates why states find ambassadors indispensable to effective intergovernmental interaction. He argues that the primary diplomatic challenge countries face is not simply communication—it is credibility. Diplomats can often communicate credibly with their host countries even when their superiors cannot because diplomats spend time building the trust that is vital to cooperation. Using a combination of history, game theory, and statistical analysis, Lindsey explores the logic of delegating authority to diplomats. He argues that countries tend to appoint diplomats who are sympathetic to their host countries and share common interests with them. Ideal diplomats hold political preferences that fall in between those of their home country and their host country, and they are capable of balancing both sets of interests without embracing either point of view fully.Delegated Diplomacy is based on a comprehensive dataset of more than 1,300 diplomatic biographies drawn from declassified intelligence records, as well as detailed case studies of the U.S. ambassadors to the United Kingdom and Germany before and during World War I. It provides a rich and insightful account of the theory and practice of diplomacy in international relations

"This edited volume explores the past, present, and future of the Korean Peninsula, with special focus on South Korea, by connecting developments in politics with those in international relations and diplomacy. The book focuses on how South Korea's politics and international relations have evolved since the founding of the First Republic in 1948, with particular attention to the period surrounding the 2022 presidential election. The authors provide new insights into Korean politics, including South Korean electoral reform and relations with China and Japan, North Korea's nuclear capacity, and North-South diplomacy. Beginning with a commentary by Colin Crooks, Britain's current Ambassador to South Korea and former Ambassador to North Korea, on recent British foreign policy changes and UK-Korea relations, this book will appeal to scholars and students of politics, international relations, diplomacy, and Korean Studies"--

Abstract
The International Political Science Association (IPSA) is a unique case against the common perception that Beijing has the upper hand when the two regimes by the Taiwan Strait contest to join international (non-governmental) organisations. Beijing relentlessly pushes international organisations to acknowledge the One China principle; Taipei also relentlessly denies this principle while it seeks to join. In the 1980s, Chinese and Taiwanese political scientists, representing their own regimes, applied Track II diplomacy to compete over membership of this organisation. IPSA membership mattered to both regimes and their political scientists. After many years of Track II competition, The Chinese Association of Political Science in Taipei became a "collective" member without compromising on how to name itself in April 1989. As a result, Beijing's counterpart withdrew from the IPSA. This situation has now persisted for over thirty years. The IPSA case not only challenges the current understanding of Cross-Strait relations but also throws light on the theoretical understanding of Track II diplomacy.

This book examines in depth science diplomacy, a particular field of international relations, in which the interests of science and those of foreign policy intersect. Building on a wealth of examples drawn from history and contemporary international relations, it analyzes and discusses the links between the world of scientists and that of diplomats. Written by a professor of economics and former Embassy counselor for science and technology, the book sets out to answer the following questions: Can science issues affect diplomatic relations between countries? Is international scientific cooperation a factor for peace? Are researchers good ambassadors for their countries? Is scientific influence a particular form of cultural influence on the world stage? Do diplomats really listen to what experts say when negotiating on the future of the planet? Is the independence of the scientist threatened by science diplomacy? What is a scientific attaché for?

Drawing upon extensive research in the United States, Colombia, and Great Britain, The Diplomacy of Modernization examines the evolution of United States foreign policy in Colombia between the world wars, concentrating on the period of the Herbert Hoover and Franklin D. Roosevelt administrations, years generally associated with the formulation and implementation of the Good Neighbor Policy. Historians of the United States-Latin American policy have concentrated on the giants of the inter-war years - Mexico, Cuba, Brazil, and Argentina. Yet the second-ranking powers such as Colombia are particularly significant for an understanding of the factors which shaped inter-American relations, the objective of U.S. policy, and the impact of a major industrialized nation on a developing society. By the end of the First World War Colombia occupied an important, though clearly secondary, place in United States-Latin American policy. During the 1920s Colombia was the third- or fourth-ranking trading partner of the United States in South America. Her strategic proximity to the Panama Canal also made her adherence to a pro-United States position an important objective of Washington's policy, as did the promise of major petroleum reserves that were yet to be exploited. Conscious of these issues and concerned that the spark of nationalism generated by the Mexican revolution would inflame other developing nations in Latin America, United States officials in the 1920s and 1930s re-examined the methods of American diplomacy and gradually moved away from the cruder forms of military intervention, gunboat and dollar diplomacy. In analysing the commercial, financial, and industrial presence of U.S. interests in Colombia and their diplomatic manifestations, this study suggests the extent to which the United States erected a policy designed to provide primacy for American interests rather than the equality of treatment implied in the terms 'good neighbor' and 'open door.'

Acknowledgement -- Contents -- List of Abbreviations -- 1: Introduction -- References -- 2: What Is Science Diplomacy? -- 2.1 The Emergence of Science Diplomacy in Contemporary International Relations -- 2.1.1 In Search of a Definition -- 2.1.2 Science Diplomacy Is a Form of Diplomacy of Influence -- 2.2 A Historical Perspective -- 2.2.1 Great Voyages of Exploration and Colonization -- Box 2.1 Bonaparte´s Egypt campaign (1798-1801): An unprecedented combination of hard and soft power -- 2.2.2 The World Wars of the Twentieth Century -- 2.2.3 The Cold War: Science in the Ideological Competition -- 2.2.4 After the Cold War -- References -- 3: Science Diplomacy as a National Issue -- 3.1 Universal Science and the Power of Nations -- 3.1.1 The Scientist and the Diplomat: Contours of Two Types -- 3.1.1.1 Science Without Borders Versus National Political Spaces -- 3.1.1.2 Search for Truth, Fairness and Transparency Versus Strategy, Manipulation and Secret -- 3.1.2 The Scientist and the Diplomat: A Proximity of Convenience? -- 3.2 The Challenges of Science Diplomacy -- 3.2.1 Attraction -- 3.2.2 Cooperation -- 3.2.3 Influence -- 3.2.3.1 Presence in International Organizations -- 3.2.3.2 Scientific Expertise as Means of Influence -- 3.2.3.3 Hosting International Scientific Organizations and Major Research Infrastructures -- Box 3.1 The choice of the headquarters of the General Secretariat of the Intergovernmental Science-Policy Platform on Biodiver... -- References -- 4: Science in Diplomatic Apparatus: The Diversity of National Approaches -- 4.1 Scientific and Technological Networks -- 4.1.1 Science Counselors -- 4.1.2 Networks -- 4.2 Science Diplomacy of Major European Countries: France, Germany, Italy, Switzerland and the UK -- 4.2.1 France -- 4.2.2 Germany -- 4.2.3 Italy -- 4.2.4 Switzerland -- 4.2.5 United Kingdom

"The Routledge International Handbook of Diaspora Diplomacy is a multidisciplinary collection of writings by leading scholars and practitioners from around the world. It reflects on the geopolitical and technological shifts that have led to the global emergence of this form of diplomacy and provides detailed examples of how governments, intergovernmental organizations (IGOs), non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and corporations are engaging diasporas as transnational agents of intervention and change. The organization in six thematic parts provides for focused coverage of key issues, sectors and practices, while also building a comprehensive guide to the growing field. Each section features an introduction authored by the Editor, designed to provide useful contextual information and to highlight linkages between the chapters. Cross-disciplinary research and commentary is a key feature of the Handbook, providing diverse yet overlapping perspectives on diaspora diplomacy. Each chapter includes a list of references for further reading. Part 1: Mapping Diaspora Diplomacy Part 2: Diaspora Engagement: Policy and Diplomacy Part 3: Diaspora Networks and Economic Development Part 4: Conflict Transformation, Crisis and Humanitarian Action Part 5: Long Distance Politics Part 6: Advancing Diaspora Diplomacy Studies The Routledge International Handbook of Diaspora Diplomacy is a key reference point for study and future scholarship in this nascent field"--

A review essay on a book by Heikki Patomaki, The Political Economy of Global Security: War, Future Crises and Changes in Global Governance (London & New York: Routledge, 2008).