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In this paper, we will investigate the political meaning of history in Kant's and Hegel's Philosophy of History. Both of them, each in its own way, the substantiation of a given political system - centered in the structuration of the Constitutional State - the fulfillment of human's history supreme finality. We will analyze, to this end, the works 'Idea for a Universal History with a Cosmopolitan Purpose', written in 1784, five years before the French Revolution and 'Reason in History - a general introduction to Philosophy of History', organized from the lectures given by Hegel in his maturity. In the final considerations, we'll try to problematize the notions of "sense" and "finality" of History.

ABSTRACT Introduction: This article propose to connect two research agendas on political behavior: studies on political tolerance and research on partisanship. Search, by connecting these two agendas, to assess the extent to which parties have become targets of political intolerance and thereby to assess the intensity of negative attitudes towards this central institution of democracy. Studies on partisanship conflicts in Brazil have focused on the antagonism opposing petismo and antipetismo. However, the 2018 elections have shown that Brazilians also adopt other forms of antipartisanship. Changes in patterns of political and electoral behavior in recent years can only be properly understood if we consider variation over time in the intensity and scope of antipartisan sentiment. We propose a typology where antipartisanship may be moderate or radical and may have a narrower or broader target. This theme is significant not only for interpreting Brazil's current political context, but also for deepening understanding of theoretical and analytical questions. Our understanding is that these different types of antipartisanship are distinct phenomena with different effects. Materials and Methods: The data we use to construct the proposed typology and analyze the range and intensity of antipartisanship are derived from an unprecedented Latin America Public Opinion Project initiative to measure political tolerance in Brazil, in its 2017 edition. Our methodology combine variables of disaffection and political intolerance to construct different voter profiles, based on respondent's attitudes towards unpopular groups, including political parties. After constructing the typology, we propose regression models to estimate the effects of each type on several attitudes, like support to democracy and institutional trust. Results: Our findings show a relationship between the most extreme types of antipartisanship and attitudes towards democracy. Compared with non-antipartisan voters, intolerant antipartisan are less supportive of democracy and democratic institutions and less favorable to freedom of expression and the granting of political rights to minorities. The intensity of antipartisanship matters more than its scope, since the models show that, there is little difference in the degree of commitment to democracy and democratic principles between the two types of intolerant antipartisans, regardless of the scope of the target of their disapproval. This means that attitudes toward democracy, democratic institutions, and democratic principles depend less on the scope antipartisanship, than on political intolerance towards these groups. Discussion: The data and results presented here indicate that antipartisanship is not a one-dimensional phenomenon. The individual is not merely antipartisan or non-antipartisan. We show that antipartisanship contains at least two dimensions: its scope and intensity. Previous studies have already shown the existence of different expressions of antipartisanship, but this diversity has not yet been systematically explored using a well-defined typology. Our work points to this research agenda.KEYWORDS: antipartisanship; political tolerance; political attitudes; political parties; democracy.

Context: With the growing denunciations of violence and injustices in the social relationship, inside and outside schools, education based on human rights is insurgent in the current system of teaching and learning. Using the concept of school as a process of scientific, social and political construction, we planned the teaching and learning process of chemical interactions using the art of graffiti as a playful activity. Objectives: Reflection on chemistry teaching beyond the concepts of natural sciences, but also towards social issues to promote an education that transfigures the traditional model established by the hegemonic power during Brazilian history. Design: We use an ethnographic case study as a method. Scenario and Participants: In this way, we chose to bring graffiti art to chemistry workshops, since the paints are fixed on urban walls through chemical interactions between substances, building images and/or protest phrases that make us rethink the injustices and inequalities existing in Brazilian society and to dialogue the emergence of this art in the black movement with the political aspects of Human Rights. Thirteen students enrolled in a state basic education high school in the city of Goiânia-GO, Brazil, joined the workshops on Human Rights, Graffiti and Chemistry. Eight graffiti artists also participated in the workshop for free. Data collection and analysis: We used transcripts of semi-structured interviews and video-recorded workshops to categorise the data, analysing them with the Descending Hierarchical Classification technique and the use of dendrograms performed by the Iramuteq Software. Results: We obtained categories that evidence the chemical understanding of the content of chemical interactions and the socio-political understanding of human rights, and seven drawings on graffiti murals that show this correlation. Conclusions: The transgression of morals and the empowerment of the subordinate promote playfulness in the individual or collective social visibility of individuals, enabling better assimilation of scientific and social content.

Using the Foucaultian framework, we examine here the basic assumption of the modern and contemporary political order, namely the decisive conception that men are governable. In the genealogical path opened by Michel Foucault we examined the political reworking of what was originally the Judeo-Christian spiritual power of governing souls. For Foucault, the modern political government of men is situated at the intersection of two sets of powers foreshadowed in early Christianity: a) the pastoral art of conducting conduct displaced from the eschatological destination of souls to the calculated management of (biopolitical) biological life and b) the dual production of the knowledge necessary for good governance; the utilitarian production of the truth that serves the pastoral art of government itself and the pure or aleturgical manifestation of the truth with regard to the governable.

A concretização do princípio de uma educação democrática fundada na igualdade de oportunidades de sucesso para todos tem justificado discursos políticos que, referindo-se à autonomia das escolas e dos professores, reconhecem a importância do seu papel na construção de práticas curriculares adequadas aos diferentes contextos e características dos alunos. No caso dos professores, essa autonomia está associada ao conceito de agência e remete a seu papel ativo, em contexto escolar, na definição e condução dos processos curriculares. Tendo essa perspectiva por referência, este artigo analisa possibilidades e dificuldades que se apresentam aos professores que, diariamente, procuram percorrer os corredores de liberdade curricular e pedagógica. Para isso, foi realizado um estudo que recolheu e analisou discursos de professores de escolas bem colocadas no ranking nacional português sobre as suas práticas curriculares quotidianas, particularmente no que os motiva para o recurso a práticas de contextualização e a factores que influenciam ou impedem o seu desenvolvimento. Conclui-se que a autonomia docente, apesar de presente em orientações políticas, concorre com outras imposições externas que deixam pouco espaço aos professores para desenvolverem práticas curriculares que adequem o currículo prescrito a nível nacional aos contextos escolares reais. Conclui-se igualmente que, apesar das circunstâncias e condicionantes existentes, os professores ouvidos neste estudo procuram espaços e momentos para percorrer os, por vezes estreitos, corredores de liberdade. ; Political discourses advocating for school and teachers' autonomy have been rising concerned with fulfilling the principle of democratic education, based on equal opportunities so everyone can be successful. Regarding teachers, the autonomy is linked with the concept of agency and envisages teachers' active role in the development of curricular processes. Bearing this in mind, this paper analyses the possibilities and difficulties faced by teachers who try to run across curricular and pedagogical "corridors of freedom", on a daily basis. To this regard, a research was conducted by collecting and analysing the opinions of teachers from schools in a high position in the Portuguese national ranking. Opinions focused on teachers' daily curricular practices, particularly their motivation to use them or the aspects that constrain their development. Conclusion was that teachers' autonomy, although present in political guidelines, is in conflict with external demands and impositions that leave little room for devising curricular practices that would adapt the national curriculum to real-life school contexts. Likewise, one concludes that despite of the existing circumstances and constraints, teachers participating in this study are in search for windows of space and time to go through those rather narrow corridors of freedom.