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Only since 1939 have political scientists, as such, had much chance to gain entrance into the permanent federal civil service. This opportunity came as the result of two well-timed phenomena: (1) the demand of a number of federal agencies for young men and women educated in certain branches of political science, and (2) the United States Civil Service Commission's announcement of the Junior Professional Assistant examination, which included an optional called "Junior Administrative Technician." This combination of happy circumstances, however, did not solve all the problems of the young political scientist or clarify all the requirements for federal employment; so, at the 1939 meeting of the American Political Science Association a committee was appointed to study the question.

In these days of war, with democracy facing the greatest challenge in its history, it would be a sad mistake for anyone to assume an attitude of smug complacency. Such would be disastrous if not literally treasonable. Educators, therefore, along with labor and industry, business and agriculture, need to re-examine and revaluate their contribution to the common welfare of the community. Engaged in a war that threatens the very existence of freedom of thought, scholarship, and teaching, educational leaders have an obligation to see that the best possible use is made of one of democracy's outstanding institutions—a free educational system. If the democratic nations fail to train men in good moral and intellectual habits, fail to produce men of keen insight and critical judgment, fail to give us free minds that can join in our struggle toward a better life for all the people of the world, they will have failed in one of their most important obligations to the human race, no matter how the struggle upon the field of battle may end.

Municipal institutions in Canada date their origin to the 1837 rebellions in Lower and Upper Canada, the Report of Lord Durham on the causes of the rebellions, and the action of Lord Sydenham in putting through legislation creating municipal institutions. He did this in 1841 while he was, as he called himself, "dictator." Under Sydenham's system municipal officers were largely nominated by the Crown. This was changed in 1845 in Lower Canada, and in 1849 in Upper Canada, and an elective system was set up. These acts are the foundations of the municipal systems of Ontario and Quebec.The rebellions in Lower and Upper Canada were the product of identical political systems under which vast areas were governed from provincial capitals remote from the people. There was an accumulation of grievances without a corresponding opportunity for redress by change of local government. Sydenham put the situation in his despatch (no. 160) of September 16, 1840: "The people acquire no habits of self-dependence for the attainment of their own local objects … Whatever little improvement in their respective neighborhoods may appear to be neglected affords grounds for complaint against the Executive. All this is charged directly upon the Government and a host of discontented spirits are ever ready to excite their feelings." It is not too much to say that the granting of municipal self-government took the word rebellion out of provincial history for one hundred years. This was an achievement of the first order. It is to be ranked in the science of politics with some of the great discoveries in medicine. As there is a cause for the rash which appears on the skin of the child, so there is a cause for those disturbances in the political body which evidence themselves in rebellion.

In response to requests for information concerning recent developments in political science in Great Britain and France, the following accounts were received from Professor Harold J. Laski, of the London School of Economics and Political Science, and M. Maurice Caudel, of L'École Libre des Sciences Politiques and editor of the Revue des Sciences Politiques:Great Britain. It will be well-known to American students of political science, especially since Professor Fairlie's very careful survey in a previous number of the Political Science Review, that there is practically no organized study of political science in Great Britain.

This paper has been prepared primarily for the purpose of suggesting certain aspects of the teaching problem in political science upon which our attention at this round table may be focused with profit. At the same time, I believe that the issues raised are of more than passing concern and should be considered as among the most important for political scientists during the coming decade. Furthermore, although this round table discussion has been limited to the basic course in political science, I believe that the time has come for appraisal of the entire undergraduate political science curriculum. Such an appraisal should concern itself with the content of our courses (which has been growing like Topsy) and the quality of teaching (which has traditionally been ignored on the ground that the professional educators are alone concerned with teaching methods).Turning now to the specific subject of this round table, I believe that any discussion of the basic course in political science must concern itself with the following questions: (1) the objective of the course; (2) the materials most conducive to the attainment of that objective; (3) the methods most suitable in the organization and presentation of these materials; and (4) the personnel for teaching the basic course. I should like to make certain brief observations in regard to each of these questions.

Writing in the October Atlantic Monthly, Paul P. Cram insists that "the task of our teachers at the present moment is one of the most terrible responsibilities in modern times." In less troubled eras, some of us would probably reply that teachers have little influence over college students, who are more interested in sex, football, and liquor than in democracy and war and peace. But Bismarck declared that the German history professor had more to do with winning the Franco-Prussian war than any other group in the Fatherland with the exception of the German High Command. And the fate of France demonstrates with terrible clarity the misfortune that may befall a nation if its people are mentally unprepared to meet existing emergencies.

There are probably few members of the learned professions who do not feel the urge to contribute, if they can, to the existing store of knowledge regarding their chosen field, or, more ambitious still, to advance yet further that body of thought constituting the fundamental principles by which it is sought to interpret the data dealt with, to trace relationships between cause and effect, to distinguish the essential from the non-essential, to evaluate action by results—in a word, to give philosophic coherence to what would otherwise be disconnected and unrelated thinking.In the case of many, this urge is supplemented by a positive obligation. Those holding academic positions calling for the direction of students engaged in advanced or postgraduate work, and those at the head of institutions of research, not only have the desire themselves to engage in work of original research, but are under the responsibility of encouraging, if not compelling, work of a like character by others.