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ABSTRACT Introduction: This article propose to connect two research agendas on political behavior: studies on political tolerance and research on partisanship. Search, by connecting these two agendas, to assess the extent to which parties have become targets of political intolerance and thereby to assess the intensity of negative attitudes towards this central institution of democracy. Studies on partisanship conflicts in Brazil have focused on the antagonism opposing petismo and antipetismo. However, the 2018 elections have shown that Brazilians also adopt other forms of antipartisanship. Changes in patterns of political and electoral behavior in recent years can only be properly understood if we consider variation over time in the intensity and scope of antipartisan sentiment. We propose a typology where antipartisanship may be moderate or radical and may have a narrower or broader target. This theme is significant not only for interpreting Brazil's current political context, but also for deepening understanding of theoretical and analytical questions. Our understanding is that these different types of antipartisanship are distinct phenomena with different effects. Materials and Methods: The data we use to construct the proposed typology and analyze the range and intensity of antipartisanship are derived from an unprecedented Latin America Public Opinion Project initiative to measure political tolerance in Brazil, in its 2017 edition. Our methodology combine variables of disaffection and political intolerance to construct different voter profiles, based on respondent's attitudes towards unpopular groups, including political parties. After constructing the typology, we propose regression models to estimate the effects of each type on several attitudes, like support to democracy and institutional trust. Results: Our findings show a relationship between the most extreme types of antipartisanship and attitudes towards democracy. Compared with non-antipartisan voters, intolerant antipartisan are less supportive of democracy and democratic institutions and less favorable to freedom of expression and the granting of political rights to minorities. The intensity of antipartisanship matters more than its scope, since the models show that, there is little difference in the degree of commitment to democracy and democratic principles between the two types of intolerant antipartisans, regardless of the scope of the target of their disapproval. This means that attitudes toward democracy, democratic institutions, and democratic principles depend less on the scope antipartisanship, than on political intolerance towards these groups. Discussion: The data and results presented here indicate that antipartisanship is not a one-dimensional phenomenon. The individual is not merely antipartisan or non-antipartisan. We show that antipartisanship contains at least two dimensions: its scope and intensity. Previous studies have already shown the existence of different expressions of antipartisanship, but this diversity has not yet been systematically explored using a well-defined typology. Our work points to this research agenda.KEYWORDS: antipartisanship; political tolerance; political attitudes; political parties; democracy.

Context: With the growing denunciations of violence and injustices in the social relationship, inside and outside schools, education based on human rights is insurgent in the current system of teaching and learning. Using the concept of school as a process of scientific, social and political construction, we planned the teaching and learning process of chemical interactions using the art of graffiti as a playful activity. Objectives: Reflection on chemistry teaching beyond the concepts of natural sciences, but also towards social issues to promote an education that transfigures the traditional model established by the hegemonic power during Brazilian history. Design: We use an ethnographic case study as a method. Scenario and Participants: In this way, we chose to bring graffiti art to chemistry workshops, since the paints are fixed on urban walls through chemical interactions between substances, building images and/or protest phrases that make us rethink the injustices and inequalities existing in Brazilian society and to dialogue the emergence of this art in the black movement with the political aspects of Human Rights. Thirteen students enrolled in a state basic education high school in the city of Goiânia-GO, Brazil, joined the workshops on Human Rights, Graffiti and Chemistry. Eight graffiti artists also participated in the workshop for free. Data collection and analysis: We used transcripts of semi-structured interviews and video-recorded workshops to categorise the data, analysing them with the Descending Hierarchical Classification technique and the use of dendrograms performed by the Iramuteq Software. Results: We obtained categories that evidence the chemical understanding of the content of chemical interactions and the socio-political understanding of human rights, and seven drawings on graffiti murals that show this correlation. Conclusions: The transgression of morals and the empowerment of the subordinate promote playfulness in the individual or collective social visibility of individuals, enabling better assimilation of scientific and social content.

Using the Foucaultian framework, we examine here the basic assumption of the modern and contemporary political order, namely the decisive conception that men are governable. In the genealogical path opened by Michel Foucault we examined the political reworking of what was originally the Judeo-Christian spiritual power of governing souls. For Foucault, the modern political government of men is situated at the intersection of two sets of powers foreshadowed in early Christianity: a) the pastoral art of conducting conduct displaced from the eschatological destination of souls to the calculated management of (biopolitical) biological life and b) the dual production of the knowledge necessary for good governance; the utilitarian production of the truth that serves the pastoral art of government itself and the pure or aleturgical manifestation of the truth with regard to the governable.

Este trabalho trata de uma revisão bibliográfica preliminar de pesquisa sobre o passo do frevo, manifestação carnavalesca da cultura popular pernambucana, com a intenção de investigar as transformações nessa dança, seus percursos de escolarização e espetacularização e as implicações estéticas e políticas desse processo. De dança marginal e alvo de perseguição de elites, a dança do frevo tornou-se expressão cultural emblemática de Pernambuco. A pesquisa em andamento procura investigar a temática com base na compreensão do contexto histórico e social do surgimento e desenvolvimento desta manifestação (MENEZES NETO, 2014), da criação de métodos de aprendizado de dança popular (VICENTE, 2009) e do conceito de espetacularização (DEBORD, 1996), (CARVALHO, 2010), entre outros.

O exercício é perverter o mundo para fazer aparecer os outros do mesmo mundo. Esta é a força das duas experiências relatadas no trabalho com os planisférios políticos. Uma delas diz respeito a um curso de formação continuada para professores de História e Geografia da rede municipal de Sombrio/SC e o outra ao grupo de internos do hospital de custódia e tratamento psiquiátrico em Florianópolis/SC (HCTP). No exercício proposto distribuímos às pessoas um planisfério político e pedimos que pervertessem o mundo. O presente texto aponta, além da noção de perversão para a noções de experiência em educação, como articuladoras de mais um princípio reflexivo no campo das imagens, neste caso as imagens da geografia. Nosso intuito com este trabalho foi o de apresentar as imagens e estabelecer com elas uma conversa problematizadora acerca da informação adquirida sobre o mundo. Tratamos do exercício com os dois grupos não numa relação valorativa, mas no sentido de identificar o que os atravessa, os constitui e os faz diferentes.

The background theme of the article is the political regimes in Spinoza. The aim is to analyze, within that broader theme, the distribution of power among the members of the political body as a common theme about the regimes. The question of the political regimes in Spinoza is not only about the number of governors. A list of concepts - like man as 'potentia', affects, 'multitudo', 'imperium', among others - must be taken into account to address the classic question.

This thesis deals on integration of ASEAN. The primary objective of this thesis is to find out the potential of ASEAN to be politically and economically integrated like EU, and the kind of difficulties it may face in a mid way. Since EU is a pioneer and benchmark for any integration and ASEAN takes EU as a reference, I choose EU as a base to compare the progress of ASEAN. As for the theoretical aspect, integration theory and its importance in global scenario is discussed. The research sought after the way ahead for ASEAN. This study is based on a comparative analysis of the development of both EU and ASEAN. The information and literature needed for the thesis will be collected from open source, which is easily accessible to all. After analyzing the historical background, present development and future prospect, I think ASEAN is turning out to be the successful regional cooperation. Even though ASEAN took reference from EU in its development, It don´t need to be like EU. Being the cooperation from different group of differently diversified nations, It can pave its own way forward and can lay good precedent for other upcoming regional co-operations. ; M-IR

The article presents the book The fire and the tale (2018), by the Italian philosopher Giorgio Agamben, discussing some of the poetic thresholds of his political thought. Is departs from Agamben's implicit debates with Jacques Derrida on language and literature, passing by the poetic act as an act of resistance, defining the inoperative potency present in gestures of discursive interruption, and finally arrives at the discussion of life and work in a biopolitical context. Following the order of the chapters, but without intending to accomplish them, the assumption of the article is that the Italian - who has poetry and literature generally linked to a kind of "first phase" of his work - also in the biopolitical series named Homo Sacer used poetry and literature as a strong strategy of resistance and opening of thresholds before the organized logic of the sovereign power. If by one side the book can be read as forming a hermeneutic circle, the chapters, on the other hand, open the main lines in which philosophy, literature, poetry, and politics intersect for the Italian thinker. Therefore, some of the arguments set forth in The fire and the tale report in direct relation to notions and arguments present in other Agamben's books and in certain interlocutors are also included in the article.

O direito de liberdade[1] à informação jornalística foi objeto de proteção específica pela nossa Constituição, que, no parágrafo lº, do artigo 220, vedou expressamente qualquer atividade que possa constituir obstáculo ou embaraço ao fluxo informativo. Nesse sentido, o mens constitutionem é clara e incontroversa ao estipular vedação, quer ao Poder Executivo, quer ao Legislativo, para edição de atos ou desempenho de atividades que obstaculizem ou, de alguma forma, embaracem a livre informação jornalística. Na verdade, a informação jornalística foi alçada a um patamar singular de proteção por razões bastante palpáveis. É que a informação jornalística constitui veículo da opinião pública livre. Esta, de sua vez, garantia institucional da democracia e do pluralismo político, indicados, pelo artigo 1º, caput e inciso V, da Constituição Federal, como, respectivamente, essência e fundamento da República Brasileira. O direito de informação jornalística, tal qual os demais direitos fundamentais, não é absoluto. Antes, é limitável, encontrando na existência e na observância dos demais direitos constitucionais as fronteiras demarcatórias da sua extensão. Em diversas situações, o exercício de um direito fundamental pode implicar a ofensa de outro, ou outros direitos, de igual ou diferente natureza. Essas hipóteses, concretizadas amiúde na fenomenilização dos preceitos constitucionais fundamentais, albergam diferentes soluções. Muitas vezes, por exemplo, a própria Constituição se preocupa com a compatibilização dos dois ou mais institutos envolvidos. Por um lado, por exemplo, prescreve o direito fundamental à propriedade privada. De outro, institucionaliza a desapropriação. Contudo, compatibiliza a aparente assincronia, disciplinando a prévia e justa indenização. Em outras ocasiões, o constituinte outorga ao legislador ordinário a faculdade de integrar em eficácia institutos constitucionais, ou ainda faculta a edição de diploma de eficácia de suas normas. São as chamadas normas constitucionais de eficácia restrita e de ...

In the current debate on human rights, the political conception is attractive in its ability to try to find solutions to the central questions and problems, which the orthodox conception has difficulties in solving, because of its own nature (the political formulation of human rights) it does not need a moral foundation that is independent of the recognition established by international law and practice. On the one hand, it is necessary to recognize that the current practice and the international doctrine consider human rights as tools addressed, mainly, to establish the limits of the legitimate sovereignty of the state, thus, recognizing the plausibility of the political conception. On the other hand, the article intends to show that this specific function, while important, should not exhaust all that human rights perform. Therefore, the political conception runs the serious risk of weakening the normative force of human rights and conflating two different agendas, that of human rights and that of global justice. To go through this argument, first of all, the article presents the contemporary genesis of the political conception of human rights based on the work of John Rawls. Secondly, it focuses on the reformulation given by Raz and Beitz's approaches. Finally, in the third section, I criticize three main assumptions which ground the current paradigm of political conception of human rights.