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The main argument of this thesis is that research has to take the institutional character of education seriously. Educational institutions carry considerable weight for outcomes of education and their design is a matter of intense political debate. This work focuses in particular on the institution of tracking that has wide-reaching consequences for the structure of education. The thesis consists of an introductory essay, together with three empirical essays. The empirical essays all acknowledge the main argument but study different outcomes and relationships connected to education. Essay I studies how the institutions of political economy and education together affect equality of income and equality of educational opportunity. This essay contributes to the literature by distinguishing the effects of the different institutions of political economy and education, as well as how they interact to affect the two contrasting conceptions of equality. The results reveal that tracking hinders equality of educational opportunity but is also related to better incomes for vocational education graduates in certain institutional settings. Wage bargaining coordination reinforces the more equal educational opportunities of weakly tracked contexts and improves the relative income of vocational graduates in these contexts. Essay II explores how education and tracking affect social trust. It makes two contributions. First, the empirical approach provides strong support for causal inference. Second, it is the first study to consider how tracking affects social trust. The empirical evidence finds no general effect of educational attainment on social trust, but decreasing tracking has a positive effect on social trust for individuals who come from weakly educated backgrounds. Essay III aims to explain cross-country differences in tracking by focusing on the impact of government partisanship. The study contributes to the literature by being the first comparative study to explore how partisan politics may explain differences in tracking and being one of few comparative studies there are on the topic at all. The results show that tracking is strongly related to a dominance of Christian democratic governments, whereas detracking reforms have mainly been carried out by social democratic governments.

FIGHTING GREEN: HOW CONGRESS AND THE PENTAGON MAKE DEFENSE POLICYKatherine Blakeley2017AbstractFighting Green examines how Congress and the Pentagon make defense policy, using Congressional attempts to influence the Pentagon's use of energy between FY 2004 - FY 2013 as a lens. Congress' role in shaping military and defense policy falls into a lacuna between international relations and Americanists' studies of domestic policy. Far from abdicating its power and prerogatives, Congress in fact exerts substantial influence on defense policy through the annual defense policy bill, the National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA). The assured and routinized annual passage of the NDAA make it a vehicle for substantive oversight and policymaking by the Congressional defense committees and policy entrepreneurs, but this legislative action and oversight remains sub rosa, rather than triggering broader public debates of the problems and potential solutions. The first half of this dissertation focuses on Congress and the unique legislative vehicle of the NDAA. Narrative case studies of the legislative history of selected provisions illustrate how defense policymaking functions in practice. Quantitative analysis of the origination, content, and success or failure of legislative provisions related to DOD's energy use provides a fuller analysis of how defense policymaking works, its characteristics, and its limitations. Successful defense policymaking tends to be incremental, uncontroversial, advance a clear defense policy or national security interest, and not require appropriated funds, suggesting that what I term "small-bore defense policymaking" as a successful avenue for defense policymaking. The balance of power lies with the House and Senate Armed Services Committees members and their staffs, but the unique role of the NDAA as a will-pass bill increases the incentive for party leaders to add non-germane policy riders, in a modified inside-leadership game. The second half of this dissertation follows the defense energy provisions from the prior chapters into the Pentagon, evaluating their implementation and ultimate impact, with implications for Congressional policymaking, the balance of power between Congress and the executive branch, the role of partisanship, and the scope of the defense bureaucracy to shape and attenuate Congressional policy actions.

Communication is a key factor in the strategic self-presentation of political leaders and candidates for office. It is especially important for women in US politics who remain numerically underrepresented at all levels of government, particularly in leadership positions. Drawing from theories on self-presentation, social identity, and implicit communication, this dissertation explores the relationship between gender, language, and political leadership. How do female politicians present themselves as viable leaders in a male-dominated political arena? Existing research suggests that women adopt masculine behaviors to succeed in politics. I asked: Do they talk like men? Informed by empirical work in social psychology and linguistics, I conceptualized feminine and masculine styles of communication in an original way. Using quantitative text analysis, survey, and experimental approaches, I investigated the gendered communication styles of US political leaders and the impact that such styles have for candidate evaluations.Analyzing 567 of Hillary Clinton's interview and debate transcripts between 1992--2013, I found that as Clinton's political power grew, she spoke in an increasingly masculine way. To follow up on this case, I analyzed 2,484 interview and debate transcripts from 126 political leaders and found that, like Clinton, female leaders broadly conformed to masculine styles of communication. Despite this, partisan stereotypes encouraged a different, and sometimes conflicting, self-presentation, which suggests that the self-presentational strategies for attaining and maintaining power are not the same for Republican and Democratic women. In contrast, male leaders did not significantly alter their self-presentation when transitioning into different leadership roles. Among male leaders, Democrats and Republicans tended to conform to party stereotypes. In addition, survey results showed that individuals reliably associated masculine communication styles with men and the Republican party and feminine statements with women and the Democratic party. Experimental results showed that regardless of a candidate's gender, evaluations of warmth---but not competence---were significantly affected by the candidate's gendered style of communication.Ultimately, these findings demonstrate how seemingly unremarkable linguistic structures---pronouns, articles, prepositions, emotional expressions and more---conform to, reflect, and cue two key factors underlying political behavior: partisanship and gender.

Previous research in redistricting has treated geography and institutions as two separate, disconnected questions. Geographic variation in partisanship and race has mostly been treated as a structural question best suited for long-term, big picture discussion (e.g. Rodden 2009, Bishop 2005). As a result, scholars looking at institutional variation between redistricting systems have normally treating geography as control variable distributed randomly throughout the jurisdiction (Masket 2012, McDonald 2006). I bring these two dimensions into dialogue with each other first by looking at how spatial autocorrelation—clustering—shapes tradeoffs within a single geography and second, how legislatures and commissions make different choices when faced with similar levels of clustering. I test the former by simulating plans that maximize each of competitiveness, compactness, and the number of majority-minority seats in two states using the Better Automated ReDistricting (BARD) tool. I show that the more highly clustered a state is by race, the more majority-minority seats can be drawn. Conversely, states highly clustered by party produce fewer competitive seats. I also show that the tradeoffs between compactness and competitiveness are larger in a state more highly clustered by party while the tradeoff between compactness and number of majority-minority seats is smaller in a state more heavily clustered by race. In addition to the direct impacts of clustering, I show that once we control for the level of clustering in a state, redistricting commissions in 2011 produced more compact and competitive maps than their legislative counterparts. However, commissions are more sensitive to the degree of clustering than legislatures and consistently refuse to trade compactness for either competitiveness or more majority-minority seats under extreme levels of clustering. What this demonstrates is that commissions can produce plans that are more compact, competitive, and contain more majority-minority districts—as long as it doesn't interfere too much with the general appearance of the district. Ultimately, this project shows the danger of studying a geographic phenomenon without thinking about the underlying geography in a systematic way.

The media environment has changed dramatically in recent years. First altered by cable news, which upended the dominance of network news, digital media has in recent years created a media landscape littered with media outlets, from new, ambitious websites like Politico to citizen media sourced on Twitter. It is unclear how or if these changes have changed the relationship between the media and the public; indeed, despite considerable attention from scholars, the interdependencies between media elements such as professional news, blogs, social media, and the public that define the modern media have yet to be unraveled. Instead, several conflicting findings have emerged: some confirm the prevailing media to public agenda setting theory, others find a reverse agenda setting dynamic, while some uncover an interactive series of processes in which diverse elements influence the media and public agendas. I argue that modern agenda setting processes reflect a hybridized media ecosystem, with mutual interdependencies and feedback loops driving agenda creation. I further characterize the issues that are likely to emerge in particular elements and consider the role of partisanship. To test my hypotheses, I analyze longitudinal data on issue attention across five elements of the contemporary media system: survey data, Twitter, key blogs, a record of Google searches within the United States; and top professional news sources. I track attention to 25 issues across a time horizon from January 2010 through December 2013. A lagged time series analysis further identifies issue origin points and trends as issues travel across elements. In order to further illuminate this relationship, I examine three of these issues in more detail by shining a light on the media and public discussions of these issues during periods of canonical attention. I also show how the rise of partisan media has changed the media agenda itself, with the result that different outlets attend to issues at different rates. This dissertation is therefore able to characterize the interdependencies inherent within the system that drive the public and media agendas, challenging some of the assumptions of a generation of minimal effects theories.

Voter ID laws have become increasingly popular throughout the states since the passage of the Help America Vote Act in 2002. Currently, thirty-four state legislatures have adopted laws that require voters to present identification before casting a ballot. Supporters have lauded voter ID laws as necessary to prevent voter fraud. Critics, on the other hand, contend that these laws disenfranchise vulnerable populations, such as racial minorities and the poor. This controversy has resulted in numerous legal battles across the states and the courts have increasingly looked to political scientists for answers. Given the relative speed at which states are adopting voter ID laws, there is a limited amount of empirical research on the why states are choosing to pass ID laws and the impact of these new voting laws on turnout and political behavior. My dissertation helps to alleviate this research disparity. Three empirical projects on 1) the adoption of ID laws, 2) their impact on the 2012 presidential election, and 3) how the framing of information on ID laws affects minorities, comprise the body of the dissertation. To complete these projects, I analyzed secondary survey data, compiled original state-level data sets spanning 2003 to 2012, and conducted surveys with embedded experiments. I explored and relied on the theories of Innovation of Diffusion, Policy Feedback Effects, and Reactance to develop and test empirical hypotheses surrounding voter ID laws. In my analysis of the adoption of voter ID laws, I find that the diffusion of voter ID laws is not only driven by partisanship; it is also influenced by state demographic features such as the percentage of Hispanics and those living in poverty. During the 2012 election, voter ID laws negatively impacted the turnout of registered Hispanic voters. This effect is significant even after controlling for the possession of a valid photo ID. Finally, I find evidence of an interpretive policy feedback effect from voter ID laws among blacks. Black respondents who are exposed to ...

ABSTRACTIndonesian National Police has the main task of maintaining security and public order, enforce the law and provide protection, guidance and service to the community. In the criminal law enforcement process, always followed by a process of orderly administration. Investigation is an administrative violation act of maladministration. The practice of maladministration in the process of investigation in Pontianak City Police, generally occurs in the form of a protracted settlement, misuse of authority, eliminating evidence, partisanship and not according to the procedure in handling cases. To Prevent maladministration practice , it would require close supervision and effective in the process of investigations conducted by the investigator and officer bearers boss supervision . An indicator function has not been effective when the oversight was discovered irregularities , the which is Characterized by disappointment and complaints from the public. Such conditions , can cause unfavorable image of the performance of the police force Police.In analyzing the subject matter, the study carried out by the method of descriptive analysis of socio-legal approach. Consideration of the choice of methods and approaches, is expected to explain the phenomenon of the working of the law relating to aspects of the practice of surveillance and investigation of maladministration in the process of becoming more comprehensive and in-depth.The findings of the research, the investigation showed that the practice of maladministration in Pontianak City Police occurred because of an oversight in the investigation process is not optimal, several factors including the mental factors of law enforcement, the legal factor itself, the lack of officer bearers factor surveillance functions of investigation and sanction of an investigating factors that convicted of violations in the investigation process. Therefore, the police are expected to make efforts to optimize the supervision of the investigation process by increasing the number of official investigations supervisor, impose strict sanctions against the investigator and the investigator supervisory officials who are convicted of the offense, increase the ability of the investigator and the investigator supervising official regulations related to the understanding and implementation legislation through education programs and increased professional development.Keywords : maladministration, Investigations, Oversight and Police.

As the Latin@ population of the United States grows and the "Sleeping Giant" is expected to play a more significant role in the nation's elections and governance more attention must be paid to the factors influencing Latin@ public opinion and political behavior on a myriad of issues. While there is a growing literature addressing Latin@ partisanship and opinion on issues such as morality and social welfare programs, there is a dearth of information regarding their opinion on foreign affairs and policy outside of Latin America. We review the limited studies that exist examining Latin@ opinion on policy issues and then explain why this can and will matter in Latin@ voting behavior and finally, using data from the 2006 Pew Hispanic Center survey on Latin@s and Religion in the U.S., we explain how such factors as religion, country of origin and ideology influence Latin@ public opinion on foreign affairs demonstrating a need for much greater study in this area. ; A medida que la población latina de los Estados Unidos crece, se espera que el "gigante dormido" desempeñe un papel más importante en las elecciones presidenciales y el gobierno debe prestar más atención a los factores que influyen en la opinión pública latina y el comportamiento político de una gran variedad de temas. Si bien existe una bibliografía cada vez mayor para abordar el partidismo latina y opinión acerca de asuntos tales como la moralidad y programas de bienestar social, hay una escasez de información acerca de su opinión sobre los asuntos exteriores y la política exterior de América Latina. Examinamos los estudios limitados que existen en el examen de la opinión latina en temas de política y para luego explicar por qué esto puede y será importante en el comportamiento del voto latino y, por último, utilizando los datos de la encuesta de 2006 del Pew Hispanic Center sobre los latinos y la religión en los EE.UU., se explica cómo tales factores como la religión, país de origen y la ideología influyen en la opinión pública hispana en asuntos ...

A media system does not exist in a vacuum. It develops and grows within social, political and economic systems. They interact with and influence one another, as well as stimulate each other's development. The main subject of this work is the dynamically evolving Polish media system, which is under the influence of institutions and external stakeholders. Thanks to this, it is easier to understand that the "crossroads" is not only a problem of the Polish media system, but a global one. For this reason, a comparative perspective is employed. Three chapters help to provide an answer to research questions dedicated to political parallelism and journalistic professionalization. The analysis would be limited and unrepresentative if the book enclosed it with one country's border, omitting the broad global, European and Centro-European context.

This volume provides valuable insight into how compulsory voting has worked over the last century in Australia and beyond. The collection includes contributions by historians, political theorists and empirical political scientists, and in addition to Australia it also considers how compulsory voting has been debated in Europe and North America. The authors address a wide variety of different aspects of the institution and offer analyses that will be highly relevant to all who take an interest in electoral institution design and voter participation. - Professor Sarah Birch, King's College London Political scientists, historians and legal scholars regularly examine facets of Australia's system of compulsory voting. But, for the first time, this volume provides a comprehensive set of analyses, spanning the history, justification, administration, public support and opposition, and — critically — the political consequences of compulsory voting. A long overdue and rigorous contribution to our understanding of one of Australia's most important yet most understudied and undervalued political institutions. - Professor Simon Jackman, University of Sydney Compulsory voting has operated in Australia for a century, and remains the best known and arguably the most successful example of the practice globally. By probing that experience from several disciplinary perspectives, this book offers a fresh, up-to-date insight into the development and distinctive functioning of compulsory voting in Australia. By juxtaposing the Australian experience with that of other representative democracies in Europe and North America, the volume also offers a much needed comparative dimension to compulsory voting in Australia. A unifying theme running through this study is the relationship between compulsory voting and democratic well-being. Can we learn anything from Australia's experience of the practice that is instructive for the development of institutional bulwarks in an era when democratic politics is under pressure globally? Or is Australia's case sui generis – best understood in the final analysis as an intriguing outlier? Matteo Bonotti is a Senior Lecturer in Politics and International Relations at Monash University, having previously taught at Cardiff University, Queen's University Belfast, and the University of Edinburgh. His research interests include democratic theory, political liberalism, the normative dimensions of partisanship and electoral design, linguistic justice, food justice, and free speech. Paul Strangio is an Associate Professor of Politics at Monash University. Paul specialises in Australian political history with a particular focus on political leadership and political parties. He is an author and editor of eleven books.

Civilization and the gods in the Eumenides / Mark J. Lutz -- Philosophy and "humanity" : reflections on Thucydidean piety, justice, and necessity / Ryan Balot -- Preliminary observations on the treaties in Thucydides' work / Robert Howse and Noah Laurence -- Reflections on the humanity (and inhumanity) of Thucydides / S.N. Jaffe -- The Spartan Alcibiades : Brasidas and the prospect of regime change in Sparta in Thucydides' war / Michael Palmer -- The tragedy of Demosthenes in Thucydides' Peloponnesian War / Andrea Radasanu -- Moral indignation, magnanimity, and philosophy in the trial of the Armenian king / Lorraine Smith Pangle -- Humanity and divinity in Xenophon's defense of Socrates / Thomas L. Pangle -- Education after freedom / Michael S. Kochin -- Martin Luther King, Augustine, and civil disobedience / Timothy W. Burns -- "La carità propria" and the uncertain foundations of unarmed principalities / William B. Parsons Jr -- Machiavelli's humanity / Nathan Tarcov -- "Choice of loss" : the revaluation of Roman values in Shakespeare's Antony and Cleopatra / Paul A. Cantor -- "When vice makes mercy" : classical, Christian, and modern humanism in Shakespeare's Measure for measure / L. Joseph Hebert, Jr -- "Tis charity to show" : Shakespeare's kindly art in the Taming of the shrew / Diana J. Schaub -- New virtues for masters of nature / Henry Higuera -- The model of human nature and the revision of premises in Spinoza's ethics / Richard Velkley -- Interpreting honor politically / Ran Halévi -- Locke's compassion and Rousseau's / Steven Forde -- Rousseau's Rome : how the model of all free peoples governed themselves / Bryan-Paul Frost -- Rousseau and the case for and against cosmopolitan humanitarianism / Christopher Kelly -- Hegel as educator : reading the phenomenology of spirit as a pedagogical classic / Waller R. Newell -- Reason, will, and the image of humanity : the criticism of rationalism by Dostoevsky's Underground man and Nietzsche's Zarathustra / Jeffrey Metzger -- Is it possible to reconcile reason and revelation? : their mutual relations in the thought of Leo Strauss / Kenneth Hart Green -- History, technology, and justice : George Grant's discovery of Rousseau / Hugh Donald Forbes -- "Gods of vengeance and compassion" : the withering criticism of compassion in Cormac McCarthy's Blood meridian / Brent Edwin Cusher -- Character vs. free will : Aristotle and Kant on moral responsibility / Arthur M. Melzer -- A Kantian critique of "public reason" / Susan Meld Shell -- On the uses and abuses of the notion of sovereignty / Miguel Morgado -- Europe's democratic odyssey / Marc F. Plattner -- Humane warfare : an ancient perspective on a modern dilemma / Linda R. Rabieh -- A polemic for pedagogy?, or, Socratic pedagogy and postmodern partisanship in liberal education / Michael Rosano.

1. Electoral politics : still a man's world? -- Representation, equality, and the study of gender in electoral politics -- Traditional gender socialization in the context of U.S. politics : the central argument and its implications -- Traditional family role orientations -- Masculinized ethos -- Gendered psyche -- Organization of the book -- 2. Explaining women's emergence in the political arena -- Women and elective politics : the numbers -- Existing explanations for women's underrepresentation -- Societal rejection and cultural evolution : the discrimination explanation -- Institutional inertia : the incumbency explanation -- The candidate eligibility pool : the pipeline explanation -- The missing piece : developing a theory of gender and political ambition -- The citizen political ambition study -- 3. The gender gap in political ambition -- Very much the same : gender, political participation, and political interest -- Very much different : gender and political ambition -- Stage one : considering a candidacy -- Stage two : deciding to enter the first race -- The "winnowing effect" -- The gender gap in elective office preferences -- Conclusion -- 4. Barefoot, pregnant, and holding a law degree : family dynamics and running for office -- Raised to be a candidate? -- Eligible candidates' family structure and roles -- Wife, mother, and candidate? : family roles as impediments to political ambition -- Are times changing? : generational differences in political ambition -- Conclusion -- 5. Gender, party, and political recruitment -- Eligible candidates' political attitudes and partisanship -- Who gets asked to run for office? -- Political recruitment and considering a candidacy -- Conclusion -- 6. "I'm just not qualified" : gendered self-perceptions of candidate viability -- The impact of self-perceived qualifications on political ambition -- Explanations for the gender gap in self-perceived qualifications -- The sexist environment -- Gender differences in defining political qualifications -- Different yardsticks for gauging political qualifications -- Conclusion -- 7. Taking the plunge : deciding to run for office -- Why would anyone run for office? : negative perceptions of the electoral environment and campaign process -- Gender and the decision to enter a race -- A side note on political culture and "structural" factors -- Prospective interest in running for office -- Conclusion -- 8. Gender and the future of electoral politics -- Summarizing the findings and forecasting women's representation -- Recasting the study of gender and elections -- Appendix A. The citizen political ambition study sample design and data collection -- Appendix B. The survey -- Appendix C. The interview questionnaire -- Appendix D. Variable coding.

Climate change is a global threat that requires policy action on all levels of governance. The 2015 Paris Agreement opened a new era of governance, entailing a shift away from the top-down approach embodied by the 1997 Kyoto Protocol. It relies instead mainly on voluntary climate pledges, which are meant to be ratcheted up through a process of assessment and review. This allows international organizations and country and local governments much more flexibility in deciding their own level of climate ambition, as well as their own methods for achieving it. I identify some significant variations in policy-making that are not explained by the "usual suspects" of material capacities and organizational capabilities. In keeping with the multi-level nature of modern climate governance, I examine the determinants of climate policies on the international, national, and local levels. I do so with the help of quantitative methods applied to survey results from high-income and middle-income countries, and to data on political institutions and physical vulnerability. With this dissertation, I contribute to the literature by identifying a number of key determinants of climate mitigation policy on different levels of climate governance. First, in a study of international climate finance, I ascertain that different organizational arrangements in the bureaucratic area determine the selection of developing countries, as well as the amount of funding allocated to them by developed countries. Second, in a comparison of domestic and international climate policies, I establish that countries which have adopted more ambitious climate policies domestically are also more likely to furnish greater amounts of international climate finance. Third, in a review of national climate policies, I show that extreme weather events do not impel governments to increase climate action in countries without strong democratic institutions. Fourth, in an examination of local climate policies, I find that it is public awareness of human-caused climate change – not partisanship – that matters most for the adoption of comprehensive climate plans among frontrunner cities. These results shed light on the multi-level challenge of climate change by identifying distinct determinants of climate policy on each level of governance. This dissertation adds nuance to our understanding of the determinants of policies for climate change mitigation by stressing the importance of domestic actors and institutions for effective climate action.

Defence date: 09 April 2021 ; Examining Board: Professor Dr. Stefano Bartolini (European University Institute); Professor Dr. Elias Dinas (European University Institute); Professor Dr. Kris Deschouwer (Vrije Universiteit Brussel); Professor Dr. Heike Klüver (Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin) ; Over the last seventy years Europe has seen government authority decentralised to subnational bodies, offering up new arenas for political contestation. At the same time, the typical cleavages in society that provided solid bases of support for political parties have crumbled, leaving parties in search of new alliances to obtain governing power. Political parties find themselves caught between the desire to get into office in as many government authorities as possible and the desire to present a coherent brand to the public, as signalled by their coalition partner choices. This research project stands at this tense intersection of interests and provides new clarity to the historical record and some exploratory lines of inquiry into the effects of this dynamic. The existing work on measuring the extent to which regional and national governments mirror each other is investigated and critiqued in order to develop a new operationalisation of coalition congruence that is amenable to large-N research. On the basis of this new measure, the historical record from 1945 to 2015 of coalition congruence in nine Western European countries (Austria, Belgium, Denmark, Germany, the Netherlands, Norway, Spain, Sweden, and Switzerland) is mapped out in order to identify broad trends running alongside the wider trend of dealignment from party politics. Following this, a number of hypotheses about the institutional determinants of congruence and effects of congruence on party perceptions are explored. The number of regional governments that cut across the government-opposition divide has been on the increase in Europe, especially so in some countries, and these cross-cutting governments appear to play a role in party attachment, but not through the causal mechanism of shifting left-right perceptions of party brands as expected by the literature. This project adds a new operationalisation of a concept, a new empirical dataset, extends the branding model of partisanship to the subnational level, and contributes to moving forward the fourth wave of coalition studies.

This article was based on the study "Types of property ownership in the Caribbean Coast of Nicaragua" with an emphasis on the complexity and types of conflict in property ownership. For this, the different types of property are analyzed based on the principles and categories contained in the Magna Carta, the general and special laws related to this subject. The methodology was qualitative aimed at recognizing the levels of complexity and types of conflict that occur according to the forms of ownership recognized in national legislation. For this, focus groups and interviews were carried out with the participation of representatives of the Municipal Governments, representatives of indigenous and Afro-descendant governments, and other social sectors, as well as a documentary review in order to have a comprehensive look at this issue. The main complexities are the growing non-indigenous population in indigenous territories, the politicization and partisanship in the election of community authorities, the lag and the lack of completion of the sanitation phase that prevents the issuance of property titles in favor of the indigenous communities and consequently makes investment negotiations difficult. ; Este artículo se basó en el estudio "Tipos de tenencia de la propiedad en la Costa Caribe de Nicaragua" con énfasis en la complejidad y tipos de conflictividad en la tenencia de la propiedad. Para ello, se analizan los diferentes tipos de propiedad teniendo como base los principios y categorías contenidas en la Carta Magna, las leyes generales y especiales relacionadas con la temática. La metodología fue cualitativa encaminada al reconocimiento de los niveles de complejidad y tipos de conflictividad que se presentan según las formas de propiedad reconocidas en la legislación nacional. Para ello, se realizó grupos focales y entrevistas con la participación de representantes de las Alcaldías Municipales, representantes de los gobiernos indígenas y afrodescendientes, y demás sectores sociales, así como la revisión documental. las principales complejidades son La creciente población no indígena en territorios indígenas, la politización y partidización en la elección de las autoridades comunitarias, el desfase y la falta de conclusión de la etapa de saneamiento que impide la emisión de los títulos de propiedad a favor de las comunidades indígenas y consecuentemente dificulta las negociaciones para la inversión