Search results

Leurdijk, D.: CIMIC: a priority policy issue. - S. 1-9. Schoups, J.: Experiences and lessons learned from previous operations. The United Nation's administration of Eastern Slavonia. - S. 11-19. Montravel, G.: Disaster Relief Branch Office for the Co-ordination of Humanitarian Affairs Geneva. - S. 21-31. Krasznai, J.: How to optimize the co-ordination between peace keeping forces and civilian actors during the preparation, planning and conduct of peace-keeping and/or humanitarian operations. - S. 33-36. Viriot, J.-M.: Le point de vue de l'UEO sur la cooperation civilo-militaire. - S. 37-44. Rollins, ...: NATO (SHAPE) CIMIC. - S. 45-52. Geleyn, M.: Crisisbeheer. - S. 53-57

PO surveys from 1979 to 1981 are analyzed to assess changing Dutch attitudes on foreign & defense policies & the influence of pressure group activism, particularly that of the peace movement. Despite difficulties in data interpretation, findings indicate a greater change in intensity than in content of such attitudes; while there is quasi-unanimity to maintain NATO membership & balance of power, the majority of Rs want no new nuclear arms probably due to the peace movement, & wish to remove existing ones from Dutch territory & cease nuclear activity in the Dutch armed forces. Potential political gains by parties espousing these goals, particularly the Dutch Labor Party, are predicted. Contradictions in the available data are noted, however, & the necessity of more detailed research is emphasized. 35 Tables. Modified HA.

An overview of Belgian policy making & implementation targeting countries of the African continent through either bilateral agreements or cooperation in projects launched by international organizations. Belgian African policy is placed in the larger geopolitical context, discussing the legacy of the Cold War, the country's historical ties with the Central African region (Zaire, Burundi, & Rwanda), & current structures & institutions available in the European Union & on the international arena (eg, the World Bank) within which the Belgian government can become effective either bilaterally or multilaterally in this part of Africa. The modernization of the ways & means through which developmental aid is dispensed in Africa is examined, considering Belgian & international initiatives & making comparisons to the traditional foci in Belgium's African policy. Five areas on which the current Belgian government concentrates on Central Africa are identified: (1) humanitarian assistance, (2) support for groups & initiatives targeting a peaceful resolution of conflicts & the enhancement of human rights in this part of the globe, (3) work on the demobilization & reintegration of former military units & ex-soldiers, (4) mobilization of donors & organizations willing to assist in securing peace in Burundi & eastern Congo (Zaire), & (5) actions on behalf of strengthening African "ownership" & diplomatic involvement in local peace initiatives. Z. Dubiel

The subject of this study is the strategic cooperation of the permanent members in the Security Council in the period 1946 2000. Because of their right of veto the cooperation of the permanent members has a significant influence on the functioning of the Council. The most important aspects of the cooperation that were investigated are the intensity of the cooperation and the ef-fectiveness of this cooperation in preventing and ending wars. To investigate these aspects, for both the intensity and the effectiveness measuring instruments were constructed. These measuring instruments were based on comprehensive sets of so-called 'leading indicators' and statistical methods and techniques. The intensity of the cooperation increased gradually from 1946 until 1990 (the end of the Cold War). Then it started to increase rapidly until 1996. From 1996 a slight decrease can be discer-ned. The strong increase in the strategic cooperation of the permanent members in the security Council can be established in all the majors forms of cooperation in the Council: the numbers of adopted strategic resolutions and presidential statements, the numbers of employed means (like peacekeeping missions and enforcement actions) and the amounts of money that were spent on peacekeeping activities. Further it was established that the response times of the Council regarding potential and waged wars dropped significantly since the end of the Cold War. The effectiveness of the cooperation of the permanent members in the Council was, insofar this was measurable with the applied method, not good for many years, but after the Cold War a clear improvement can be discerned. This goes for the prevention of wars, as well as for post war peacebuilding and the ending of wars. Also the numbers of potential and waged wars in which the Council not intervened dropped significantly since the end of the Cold War, as well as the use of vetoes. The large number of potential and waged wars in which the Council did not intervene during the Cold War was nearly exclusively caused by 'non decisions' (the non placing of wars on the agenda), and not by the use of vetoes by permanent members, as is often assumed in literature. Further, a comparison of two phase classifications of the Cold War showed that the great powers, even when there are great tensions among them, are prepared to cooperate in the Security Council to resolve strategic matters, if they consider this in their interest. Analyses of the adopted strategic resolutions during the Cold War revealed that cooperation here was nearly exclusively limited to issues that were not core issues of the Cold War. From this it can be concluded that cooperation against third party states was a basis of cooperation of the great powers in the Security Council. Finally, the results of this study show clearly that the Security Council was regarded and used to a large extent by the permanent members in the period 1946 2000 as an instrument of foreign policy to pursue their national interests, and not as an instrument of the world community to prevent and end wars.

The political arithmetic of Sir William Petty is explored as a method of investigation, in relation to his political & economic ideas. Elements of the relevant cultural background are exposed. Petty's ideas are shown to exhibit a remarkable degree of interconnectedness: political institutions, economic behavior, & demographic developments are interrelated & influence each other in producing "peace & plenty" for the country. Petty's investigation into the central concept of 'plenty' is an example of the method of political arithmetic; he attempted to express man in terms of number, weight, or measure. Modified HA.

In the present article the author starts off with a discussion of the Barcelona process and the main reason for its failure: namely the fragility of the Oslo peace process. The second topic focuses on the genesis of the Union for the Mediterranean of July 2008 as a follow-up of the Euromediterranean Partnership dated 1995, and its relevance for both its North African and European shores. Included are the institutional and procedural structures, and an analysis of the place conflict resolution holds within the Union for the Mediterranean, the latter illustrated by the recent Gaza War. O. van Zijl

Hans Schippers surveys the position of Hezbollah in Lebanese politics and its relations with Iran and Syria. Hezbollah is an organisation with two faces. Together with Amal it represents the Shia in Lebanon. It participates in elections and the government. However, in the Southern part of the country Hezbollah constitutes a state within a state, with a militia and a social and medical network of its own. Most of the costs of this structure are paid for by Iran. The Shia leadership of Iran also played a vital role in the establishment of the organisation in 1982. Syria acted as the protector of Hezbollah in its agitation against Israel. With the departure of Syrian troops following the Cedar Revolution in the spring of 2005 most non-Shia Lebanese wanted to see the Hezbollah militia, seen as a pro-Syrian force, dissolved. However, this was refused by leader Nasrallah. The militia protected Lebanon against Israeli aggression, he declared. It is unclear what motivated Hezbollah to kidnap the Israeli soldiers. This action seemed to be co-ordinated with Iran and Syria to divert attention from the Iranian troubles with the United Nations about Iran's uranium enrichment programme. However, also solidarity with Hamas and the personality of Nasrallah may have played a role. The War of Summer 2006 made it clear once more that the Israeli-Palestinian conflict maybe exploited by forces not directly involved, like Iran. The strong presence of European soldiers in the new peace force presents an opportunity for the EU to take the initiative for a restart of the peace process in the region. A new Madrid type conference may offer away out of the deadlock.

It is often argued that new social movements, in contrast to earlier ones such as the Wc movement, should be analyzed primarily in terms of value change rather than of structural characteristics of movement participants. The influence of three major value types associated with new social movements -- postmaterialism, individualism & hedonism, & antimodernism -- on the Dutch peace movement is examined through research findings. Individualism & hedonism are unrelated or negatively related, & antimodernism is only weakly related, to the individual potential for new social movements; only postmaterialism is strongly related to it. Postmaterialism is itself primarily related to structural variables such as SC position & integration into institutions such as the Church & the private sector of the economy that reproduce existing social conditions. These findings call the current emphasis on values change into question. 4 Tables, 21 References. Modified HA

In his speech at the conference "Buitenlandse politiek in Belgie" (The Foreign Policy in Belgium), organized by the U of Ghent & the Catholic U of Louvain & held in Ghent, 27 March 2002, the country's foreign minister outlines the principles governing the foreign policies of the current government led by prime minister Guy Verhofstadt since the summer of 1999. He stresses the importance of vision, trust, & morality in Belgian foreign policy & mentions his country's unblemished stand on human rights, unwavering championship of the European Union (EU), & efforts to construct durable peace in Central Africa. The effectiveness of multilateral & bilateral approaches is pointed out. The active position of the EU, under its Belgian chairmanship, in addressing issues pertaining to the Balkan & Middle East conflicts is noted. The new challenges posed by the events of September 11 & the future enlargement of the EU with states from Central & Southern Europe are recognized. Z. Dubiel

Noting the inequality in wealth distribution between the haves & have nots in the world today & recognizing the possibility that poverty may become a threat to world peace, Flemish foreign policies, promulgated within the Belgian federation, are outlined. It is noted that, although perceived by many as largely symbolic, the foreign policy actions carried out by the government of Flanders deliver tangible benefits in many regions of the globe & have a profound impact on the formulation & promulgation of foreign policy on the federal level. Several of such initiatives conducted in cooperation with the World Health Organization & UNESCO & targeting third world countries are listed. Recognizing the tragedy of September 11, it is argued that Europe should show solidarity & support to a country which supported the continent when it needed help. However, Europe should also work on preventing any overreaction by the American government in its retaliation. The recent foreign policy initiatives of the federal government, with Louis Michel as its foreign minister, are both appreciated & supported. Z. Dubiel