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Uredba (EZ) br. 864/2007 Europskog parlamenta i Vijeća od 11. srpnja 2007. o pravu koje se primjenjuje na izvanugovorne obveze (Uredba Rim II) sadržava pravila o mjerodavnom pravu za izvanugovorne obveze i jedan je od najvažnijih izvora europskoga međunarodnog privatnog prava. Zbog nemogućnosti pronalaska kompromisa u vezi s odgovarajućom poveznicom za povrede prava osobnosti u zakonodavnom postupku donošenja Uredbe Rim II europski zakonodavac odlučio je isključiti povrede prava osobnosti iz polja primjene Uredbe Rim II. Budući da to pitanje nije uređeno relevantnim izvorom europskoga međunarodnog privatnog prava, sudovi svake države članice EU-a primjenjuju nacionalna kolizijska pravila. U Republici Hrvatskoj krajem 2017. godine donesen je novi Zakon o međunarodnom privatnom pravu koji je na snagu stupio u siječnju 2019. godine. Hrvatski je zakonodavac u novom Zakonu odlučio proširiti primjenu Uredbe Rim II i na ona pitanja koja su isključena iz njezina polja primjene, što za posljedicu ima činjenicu da će se na hrvatskim sudovima pravo mjerodavno za povrede prava osobnosti određivati prema općoj odredbi Uredbe Rim II koja se temelji na poveznici mjesta nastanka izravne štete. Iz navedenoga razvidan je utjecaj europskoga prava na hrvatsko međunarodno privatno pravo, ne samo u slučajevima koji ulaze u polje primjene izvora europskoga međunarodnog privatnog prava nego i u slučajevima koji samim tim izvorima nisu pokriveni. Cilj je ovoga rada ispitati je li pristup prihvaćen u novom Zakonu o međunarodnom privatnom pravu najbolji izbor za slučajeve povrede prava osobnosti, posebice imajući u vidu polemike koje su se vodile oko adekvatnosti poveznice mjesta nastanka štete za predmete povrede prava osobnosti tijekom zakonodavnog postupka donošenja Uredbe Rim II. ; Regulation (EC) No 864/2007 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 11 July 2007 on the law applicable to non-contractual obligations (Rome II Regulation), containing rules on applicable law for non-contractual obligations, is one of the most ...

Based on the party archives, newspaper archives and literature recovery, the author presents the political programs and activities of the Croatian Party of Rights (HSP) from 1990 to 1992. This work analyzes the political aims of the party, the most important personalities associated with it during this period, the significance of its electioneering as well as of its results in the election of 1992. Once the multiparty system was established, HSP was rebuilt by Dobroslav Paraga and Ante Paradzik. The main party's program was the establishment of an independent Croatian state. Political action of HSP resulted in political killings, political trials of leading party officials and the Party's schism. The fundamental obstacle to renewal and further development of HSP was the Croatian Democratic Union and its attitude towards HSP. Adapted from the source document.

The article discusses the historical foundations & development of the right to free development of personality guaranteed by Article 2 section 1 of the BL. Though Article 2 section 1 has remained unchanged since enactment of the BL, the right to free development of personality has been significantly developed & elaborated by the Federal Constitutional Court. On the one hand, when interpreted in conjunction with Art. 1 section 1 of the BL it protects the general right of personality, & on the other hand a broadly defined general freedom of action. Both lines of jurisprudence are supported by a large number of cases that have granted protection to a number of unspecified rights. Examples are protection of private & intimate life sphere, data protection rights, right to personal dignity, right to one's own spoken word, etc. That leads to a conclusion that any attempt to create a comprehensive formal catalogue of fundamental rights must necessarily remain incomplete. An exhaustive list of fundamental rights is possible only in absence of their concretization. As the German experience shows, any interpretation, ie, concretization of fundamental rights, necessarily leads to the change of their scope & substance. Adapted from the source document.

There are prima facie reasons why political parties should be recognized as public law persons of the Croatian legal system: Political parties play a leading role in the creation & implementation of the state's will. Continental European legal systems distinguish between public & private law: the Croatian Constitution prescribes that political parties are associations with the features typical of public law persons. What requires analysis is the nature & consequences of the public law personality of political parties. Aristotle's theory of justice is still a useful starting point for distinguishing between public & private law, & between public & private law persons. The theory demonstrates that both the political community & the economic market presuppose standards of conduct that regulate interaction of their members. The standards include two essential types of legal acts, namely, statutes, which are fundamental acts of public law, & contracts, which are fundamental acts of private law. The dichotomy of legal acts implies virtually all the criteria that Roman & Continental lawyers have found important for distinguishing public & private law (source, bindingness, hierarchy, interest, subjects, etc). The division of a legal system into private & public law can be positivized in several ways. However, a liberal, democratic, & social legal system ought to meet the following principles, which guarantee the public law status of political parties: explicit recognition of the public law personality; justiciability; constitutionality; transparency; democracy; solidarity. The principles are followed by the Draft Bill on Political Parties, which was prepared by the Croatian Law Center in May 2002 & was adopted, with some changes, by the Committee on Constitution, Rules of Order, & Political System of the Croatian Parliament in July 2002. 90 References. Adapted from the source document.

Cilj rada jest identificiranje europskih društveno-kulturnih i odgojno-obrazovnih vrijednosti koje, uz političke, društvene, kulturne, tehnološke i druge promjene u Hrvatskoj, dovode do potrebe preispitivanja i promišljanja dugoročnih i kratkoročnih odgojno-obrazovnih vrijednosti i ciljeva te do razumijevanja i interpretacije njihovih značenja. Vrijednosti su kategorizirane u tri skupine: a) metapolitičke vrijednosti, koje služe socijalnoj homogenizaciji, b) vrijednosti koje izražavaju društvene, a istodobno i odgojno-obrazovne ciljeve i c) vrijednosti koje odražavaju svojstva osobnosti ili karaktera. Autorica razmatra neke vrijednosti/ciljeve relevantne za promjene u odgojno‐obrazovnom kontekstu kao što su jednakost, kompetentnost, uspjeh, odgovornost, demokracija, tolerancija, kompromis, njihova značenja i proturječnosti. S obzirom na to da su škole temeljni nositelji promjene i procesa remoralizacije, očekuje se etička refleksija i vizualizacija odgojno-obrazovnih vrijednosti i ciljeva te (re)definiranje hijerarhije vrijednosti i ciljeva na njihovoj razini. ; The aim of this study is to identify European socio-cultural and educational values which, together with political, social, cultural, technical and other changes in Croatia, require reconsideration and deliberation of the long-term and short-term educational values and goals, as well as understanding and interpretation of their meanings. The values are categorized in three groups: a) metapolitical values serving the purpose of social homogenization, b) values expressing social and at the same time educational goals, and c) values representing the characteristics of personality and character. The author examines some of the values/goals relevant for the changes in the educational context, such as equality, competence, success, responsibility, democracy, tolerance, compromise, and their meanings and inconsistencies. Given that schools are the basic bearers of change and of the process of remoralization, the ethical reflection and visualization of educational values and goals and the (re)definition of the hierarchy of values and goals is expected on their level. ; Diese Arbeit setzt sich zum Ziel, europäische soziale, kulturelle und erzieherische Bildungswerte zu bestimmen, die zusammen mit den politischen, gesellschaftlichen, kulturellen, technologischen und sonstigen Veränderungen in Kroatien ein Umdenken und Hinterfragen von lang- und kurzfristigen Erziehungs- und Bildungswerten bzw. -zielen sowie eine Reinterpretation deren Bedeutung notwendig machten. Die Werte sind in drei Kategorien eingeteilt: a) metapolitische Werte, die der sozialen Homogenisation dienen, b) Werte, die gesellschaftliche, zugleich jedoch auch Erziehungs- und Bildungsziele ausdrücken und c) Werte, die Persönlichkeits- oder Charaktereigenschaften versinnbildlichen. Die Autorin erörtert einige Werte/Ziele, die für Veränderungen im Erziehungs- und Bildungskontext relevant sind, wie z. B. Gleichheit, Kompetenz, Erfolg, Verantwortungsgefühl, Demokratie, Toleranz, Kompromissbereitschaft, und analysiert deren Bedeutung und Widersprüchichkeit. Im Hinblick darauf, dass die Schulen Hauptträger der Veränderungen und des moralischen Erneuerungs-prozesses sind, wird eine ethische Reflexion und Visualisierung von erzieherischen Bildungswerten und -zielen sowie eine Redefinition der Werte- und Zielhierarchie auf dieser Ebene erwartet.

Did the social changes of 1989/90, both on the territory of the former Yugoslavia & the entire Eastern Europe, surprise political analysts? Or did the research in social sciences, particularly political science, sociology, & psychology, perhaps supply enough material pointing to the possible changes as well as to the course they were going to take? In this work, the author gives a critical review of his studies conducted & published between 1980 & 1990 &, by hindsight, shows their relevance for understanding the recent radical & dramatic changes. Inevitably, the conclusion is that the author's research had pointed to the existence of all psychological conditions necessary for the events that followed. The long crisis, first economic & later political, gave rise to social unrest, which soon turned into general agitation. The powerful presence of the authoritarian structure of personality in these territories, the enduring xenophobia that, in combination with the appropriate ideological manipulation, easily leads to open inter-ethnic conflicts, the lack of both an adequate political culture & the democratic mechanisms of overcoming conflicts, within the context of decrepitude of an ideological project in a multiethnic community rife with historical conflicts, inevitably led into open conflicts. 5 Tables, 2 Figures, 15 References. Adapted from the source document.

A certain youth society established as a police cover-up organization for carrying out acts of spying, extortion, threats, intimidation and murder of political opponents of the Yugoslav power-holders in the 1930s was rarely mentioned in historiographical texts. The components of its existence were almost completely blurred in these works, from its name, structure, membership, ideology, to its aims and actions. The article tried to overcome this by shedding light on the personality of the former director of Zagreb's police and King Alexander's favourite, dr. Janko Bedeković, revealing him as the initiator and the direct financier of 'The Young Yugoslavia' youth society – the association that under the usual guise of the state-spread organization whose intention was to promote the Yugoslav idea among the youth hid the grimy side of carrying out direct police orders in dealing with political opponents. The terror carried out by the members of 'The Young Yugoslavia', just like the period of Bedeković's tenure as the head of Zagreb's police, remained deeply rooted into the collective memory of the Croatian society of that time. The extorted criminals, bullies and swindlers protected by the membership card of that society had, under the guise of the Yugoslav idea and the fight for a unified national state, free hands to satiate their personal and morally questionable urges. This is perhaps the first occasion that their mention is based on archival sources.

Postojanje "pomoćne Bedekovićeve čete" zadužene za provođenje prljavih poslova u korist policije po nalozima beogradskih vlastodržaca zabilježeno je u svega nekoliko historiografskih tekstova i rijetkim sjećanjima sudionika zlosretnih događaja u zagrebačkom društvenom mikrokozmosu nakon uspostave šestosiječanjske diktature. Prilog ima za cilj rasvijetliti istinitost spomenutih navoda. Postojanje gotovo terorističke organizacije na temelju arhivskih vrela povezano je s Omladinskim društvom Mlada Jugoslavija, koje je, osim izvanjskoga i zakonitoga okvira, u svojem djelovanju skrivalo naličje provoditelja državnoga nasilja prema onodobnim političkim neistomišljenicima.Omladinsko društvo Mlada Jugoslavija ; A certain youth society established as a police cover-up organization for carrying out acts of spying, extortion, threats, intimidation and murder of political opponents of the Yugoslav power-holders in the 1930s was rarely mentioned in historiographical texts. The components of its existence were almost completely blurred in these works, from its name, structure, membership, ideology, to its aims and actions. The article tried to overcome this by shedding light on the personality of the former director of Zagreb's police and King Alexander's favourite, dr. Janko Bedeković, revealing him as the initiator and the direct financier of 'The Young Yugoslavia' youth society – the association that under the usual guise of the state-spread organization whose intention was to promote the Yugoslav idea among the youth hid the grimy side of carrying out direct police orders in dealing with political opponents. The terror carried out by the members of 'The Young Yugoslavia', just like the period of Bedeković's tenure as the head of Zagreb's police, remained deeply rooted into the collective memory of the Croatian society of that time. The extorted criminals, bullies and swindlers protected by the membership card of that society had, under the guise of the Yugoslav idea and the fight for a unified national state, free hands to satiate their personal and morally questionable urges. This is perhaps the first occasion that their mention is based on archival sources.

Ljudsko je lice spolno dimorfna karakteristika, a morfologija lica povezana je s različitim biološkim markerima. Prilikom percepcije lica druge osobe pojedinci stvaraju dojmove o spolu, dobi, etničkoj pripadnosti, ali i emocionalnim stanjima i osobinama ličnosti te osobe. Ovaj je proces automatski, iznimno brz i uključen je u sve situacije socijalne interakcije. Brojna istraživanja upućuju na to da ljudi imaju pristranosti prema određenim fenotipima lica prilikom donošenja odluke o tome tko bi trebao biti vođa njihove grupe, bilo da je riječ o ekonomskim ili političkim grupama. U ovom će preglednom radu biti prikazani nalazi koji iz perspektive evolucijske psihologije pokušavaju razjasniti nastanak i funkciju spomenutih pristranosti. Kao glavni teorijski okviri bit će predstavljeni: evolucijska teorija vodstva, biosocijalni model kategorizacije vođa te hipoteza evolucijske kontingencije. Nadalje, bit će opisana istraživanja koja pokazuju da ljudi preferiraju vođe s licima koja izgledaju kompetentno, ovisno o kontekstu muževno ili ženstveno, te privlačno. Na koncu, bit će prikazani određeni nedostaci istraživanja u ovom području, zajedno sa smjernicama za buduća istraživanja. ; Human face is a sexually dimorphic trait, and its morphology is related to various biological markers. During face perception, people make several inferences about others, such as sex, age, ethnicity, emotional state or personality traits. This process is automatic and rapid, and is included in all forms of social interactions. Some studies indicate that people have certain biases towards specific facial phenotypes during decision-making about who is the best candidate to be a group leader in an economic or political context. In this review paper, origins and functions of aforementioned biases will be discussed from an evolutionary psychological perspective. Evolutionary leadership theory, biosocial leadership categorization model and evolutionarycontingency hypothesis will be presented as the main theoretical frameworks in the field. Moreover, findings regarding bias towards perceived facial competence, masculinity-femininity and attractiveness will be described. Lastly, some limitations in the field will be addressed, together with the recommendations for future studies.

Kult ličnosti vladara, veličanje monarhijske moći, uzdizanje istaknutih pojedinaca na herojski i božanski pijedestal socijalni su fenomeni prisutni kod razvijenih civilizacija još od davnih vremena. Rimski carski kult, religijsko-politička institucija utemeljena na identificiranju i štovanju cara kao božanstva te propagiranju carske moći, služio je kao instrument za jačanje rimske vlasti te romanizaciju novoosvojenih područja Rimskog Carstva. Dok su u središtu štovanja prije svega bili rimski carevi, važan element u propagiranju carske ideologije činile su i njihove supruge, ali i drugi članovi vladajuće obitelji. Unatoč tomu što nisu uživale jednaka prava kao njihovi muževi, rimske su carice ipak aktivno, ali i indirektno, sudjelovale u javnim i političkim događanjima te se koristile privilegijama svojeg društvenog statusa kako bi doprinjele oblikovanju carske vlasti i rimskog društva. Time će se ovaj rad na temelju dosadašnjih spoznaja o sociopolitičkim i religijskim karakteristikama carskog kulta ukratko osvrnuti na društvenu i političku moć najutjecajnijih rimskih carica i princeza s naglaskom na štovanje njihova kulta na tlu provincije Dalmacije od vremena julijevsko-klaudijevske dinastije do 315. godine. ; The personality cult of the ruler, glorification of monarchical power and placing of prominent individuals on a heroic and divine pedestal were social phenomena present in developed civilisations from ancient times. The Roman imperial cult, a religious and political institution based on identifying and worshipping the emperor as a deity and promoting imperial power, served as an instrument for strengthening Roman rule and romanising the newly conquered territories of the Roman Empire. While the focus of worship was primarily Roman emperors, important in propagating imperial ideology were also their wives, as well as other members of the ruling family. Despite not enjoying the same rights as their spouses, Roman empresses nevertheless actively, as well as indirectly, participated in public and political events and used the privileges of their social status to contribute to the shaping of imperial power and Roman society. Drawing on previous research of the social, political and religious characteristics of the imperial cult, this paper will briefly review the social and political power of the most influential Roman empresses and princesses, with an emphasis on the devotion to their cult in the Province of Dalmatia from the Julio-Claudian dynasty to AD 315.

Ovaj rad na temelju neobjavljenih izvora, periodike, tiskane građe te referentne literature donosi rekonstrukciju dijela biografije Mirka Buića, pravnika, poduzetnika, publicista te visokoga lokalnog i državnog dužnosnika za vrijeme Kraljevine Jugoslavije. U profesionalnom smislu najdublji je trag ostavio u Trgovačko-obrtničkoj komori u Splitu, u kojoj je djelovao kao tajnik od kraja 1924. pa sve do sredine 1938. godine. Pred kraj međuratnoga razdoblja (1938. – 1939.) Buić je obnašao dužnosti splitskoga gradonačelnika, ministra tjelesnoga odgoja Kraljevine Jugoslavije te bana Primorske banovine. Njegova politička orijentacija bila je unitarno jugoslavenska i prorojalistička premda nije aktivno sudjelovao u stranačkom životu međuratnoga Splita. Buić je ostavio važan trag u splitskom sokolskom društvu, u kojem je imao rukovodeću ulogu između svjetskih ratova. ; On the basis of unpublished material, periodicals, and printed matter as well as reference literature, this paper offers a reconstruction of a part of the biography of Dr Mirko Buić, a prominent personality of public life in Split between the world wars. Buić's political orientation was unambiguously Yugoslav and pro-royalist, though he never actively participated on the political stage of interwar Split. In the professional sense, Buić left the deepest impression on the Chamber of Trades and Crafts in Split, where he acted as secretary from late 1924 to mid-1938, when he was appointed as the mayor of Split. For a short time, Buić served as the mayor of Split and the Minister of Physical Education of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. Mirko Buić was the ban (governor) of the Littoral Banovina from September 1938 until the new administrative division of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia and the formation of the Banovina of Croatia were implemented following the Cvetković-Maček Agreement in August 1939. In addition to his professional work, Buić made a significant impression on the Sokol Society of Split, where he played a leading role through most of the interwar period. His short tenures as ban of the Littoral Banovina and mayor of Split were too brief for Buić to make significant changes, but he was nonetheless responsible for some noted initiatives in the economic field. After achieving the peak of his career in the late interwar period, when he was mayor, minister, and ban, the years of World War II were ones of hardship and uncertainty for Buić and his family. Buić's active participation in the advisory body of the People's Liberation Committee in Split in September 1943 helped him and his family reach the liberated territory of Vis. Near the end of the war he moved to Rome, where he lived out his remaining years.

Autori su promatrali pojavnost PTSP-a kao jedinog poremećaja, ali i PTSP uz druge psihičke poremećaje hospitaliziranih odraslih bolesnika na Psihijatrijskoj klinici u Osijeku kroz tri godine (1993., 1994. i 1995. g.). Uočili su relativno mali broj bolesnika sa PTSP-om u prvoj godini praćenja pojavnosti (3% od ukupnog broja liječenih bolesnika), da bi se narednih godina taj broj upadno povećavao (1994. godine 12,17%, 1995. godine 20,57%). Prema dobnim skupinama najčešće su obolijevale osobe od 31 do 40. godine života (43,35%), a prema spolu, kroz sve tri promatrane godine, izrazito je zastupljen veći broj muškaraca u odnosu na žene (86,47% : 13,53%), što je i razumljivo jer su kod oboljelih dominirali pripadnici HV i policije. Samo je 1993. godine obolijevao veći broj civila u odnosu na uniformirane osobe (3,9% : 2,75%) dok su 1994. i 1995. godine pripadnici vojske i policije češće obolijevali odnosu na civile. Što se tiče bračnog stanja, kroz sve godine češće su obolijevali od PTSP-a i drugih psihičkih poremećaja oženjeni, odnosno udane osobe (69,5% u promatranom uzorku). Uz PTSP, najčešći psihički poremećaji bili su iz grupe neurotskih poremećaja (28,9%), alkoholizma (8,2 6%), disocijalnih poremećaja osobnosti (5,73%), psihosomatske reakcije (4,13%), depresija (3,44%), psihotične reakcije (3,44%), organskog psihosindroma (3,21%), te manji broj psihoza - Sch (1,38%). Javljanje drugih dijagnostičkih skupina je zanemarivo. Autori ostavljaju za raspravu sve učestaliju pojavnost PTSP-a samog i s drugim dijagnostičkim skupinama, sugeriraju potrebitost daljeg praćenja pojavnosti s pomenutih psihičkih poremećaja, kao i ujednačenost kriterija pri dijagnosticiranju PTSP-a. ; The authors observed the occurrence of PTSD as a single disorder or combined with other psychic disturbances in adult patients hospitalized at the Clinic of Psychiatry in Osijek in the period from 1993 -1995. In the first year the number of cases with PTSD was quite small (3% of the total number of treated patients), but it increased rapidly in the following years (12.17% in 1994 and 20.57% in 1995). Patients aged 31-40 years suffered most frequently. In all three years of observation there was a notably higher number of males, compared to the females (86.47%: 13.53%), which is understandable since a dominant number of patients belonged to army or police forces. Only in 1993 were the more civilians suffering from the illness than the members of police and military were. As for marital status, married people suffered from PTSD and other psychic disturbances most often (69.5%). Beside PTSD, the most frequent psychic disturbances were general anxious disturbances (28.9%), alcoholism (8.26%), personality disorders (5.73%), psychosomatic reactions (4.13%). depression (3.44%), psychotic reactions (3.44%), organic psycho-syndrome (3.2 1%) and a small number of psychoses (1.38%). The occurrence of other diagnostic groups was insignificant. The authors offer discussion on increasing occurrence of PTSD alone and with other diagnostic groups in the observed period. They suggest the need for further observation of the stated psychic disturbances as well as for setting equal criteria for PTSD diagnosis.

Postojeća literatura posebnu pažnju pridaje istraživanju motiva i poduzetničke namjere potencijalnih poduzetnika, a posebice istraživanje namjere studenata da započnu biznis nakon završetka studija. Svrha ovog rada je istraživanje utjecaja petnaest motiva i prethodno poduzetničko iskustvo obitelji studenta na namjeru da pokrene biznis. S obzirom na važnost poduzetništva na razvoj države, pogled iz post-konfliktne, tranzicijske zemlje kao što je Bosna i Hercegovina, pruža korisne povratne informacije za stvaratelje politike i produbljuje naše shvaćanje motiva i namjere za pokretanje biznisa. Naše istraživanje podržava postojeće spoznaje u literaturi da odrastanje u obitelji u kojoj su roditelji poduzetnici predstavlja važan prediktor namjere za pokretanje biznisa. Ova životna iskustva iz ranih obiteljskih dana igraju važnu ulogu u oblikovanju vjerovanja, stavova, osobnosti i namjera pojedinaca. Pored toga, naša istraživanja sugeriraju da sljedeći motivi imaju statistički značajan utjecaj na namjeru za pokretanje biznisa: dva motiva koja opisuju neovisnost (prilika da se bude vlastiti gazda i dokazivanje da on/ona to može učiniti), sklonost prihvaćanju rizika, prilika za boljom organizacijom vremena i osiguranje odgovarajuće brige za buduće naraštaje. Neodgovarajući radni uvjeti u privatnim kompanijama kombinirani s visokom stopom nezaposlenosti čine identificirane motive značajnim prediktorima namjere za pokretanje biznisa. Njihova namjera da započnu biznis primarno potječe iz uočene prilike, ali briga o budućim naraštajima i želja za neovisnošću mogu doprinijeti objašnjenju namjere za započinjanje biznisa. Bosna i Hercegovina spada u kolektivistička društva što može objasniti razlog zbog kojega statistički značajan utjecaj ima i mogućnost da se biznis prenese na buduće naraštaje. ; The existing literature pays particular attention to the investigation of motives and start-up intentions of potential entrepreneurs, especially investigating students' intention to start a firm after the completion of studies. The purpose of this paper is to investigate the influence of fifteen motives and entrepreneurship experience of student's family on the intention to start a business. Given the importance of entrepreneurship for the growth of developing countries, this insight from a post-conflict, transitional country such as Bosnia and Herzegovina will provide valuable feedback for policymakers and will deepen our understanding of motives and intention to start a business. Our research supports existing findings that growing up in a family where parents are entrepreneurs represents an important predictor of intention to start a business. These family-related early life experiences play a major role in molding an individual's beliefs, attitudes, personality, and intentions. In addition, our findings suggest that the following motives have statistically significant effects on the intention to start a business: two independence motives (opportunity to be your own boss and proving that you can do it), propensity for risk acceptance, opportunity for better organization of work and private time, and ensuring appropriate care for future generations. In the context of Bosnia- Herzegovina, a possible explanation of our results might be that less attractive working conditions in the private companies combined with high unemployment rates influence the motives of potential entrepreneurs. Their intention to start a business comes from a perceived opportunity, but taking care of future generations and being independent can contribute to the explanation of the intention to start a business. Bosnia-Herzegovina is considered a collectivistic society, which explains why one of the statistically significant motives is an opportunity to pass a business to future generations.