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Confronted with acute SE problems, the Socialist & the Christian Democratic trade unions in 1976 strengthened their "Common Trade Unions" Front' (with about 2 million members out of a total of 2,300,000 wage- & salary-earners in Belgium) in view of negotiating with employers & with the government, for which the trade unions have submitted a common platform. This common front has antecedents on the local, regional, & professional levels, but has never been & never will be of a permanent nature. This is due as much to historical, as to ideological causes. The principle of class struggle is basic to the socialist union, & christian doctrine is basic to the Christian Democrat concept. The two unions are imbalanced in their linguistic division. Socialists dominate the French-speaking South, while the Christians dominate the Flemish-speaking North. Each confederation wants to maintain its identity. From the employer's view (& to some extent completely independent from the trade union's common front) representatives of employer's organizations have launched the idea that a new & comprehensive "social contract" should be negotiated. The Christian Democratic Union favors such a pact, but since the socialist trade union rejects this idea--which would lead to a further integration in the capitalist system--the probability for such a pact to be realized at present is rather low. Modified HA.

The organizational & formal structures of Belgium's francophone political parties are elucidated. For each party, the main conventions held in 1998 & 1999 are listed; subsequently, the composition & organization of the main party committee, the party bureau, & the main executive offices including dispute agencies are described. The party structure is explained; main representatives are listed; & membership numbers, party publications, & recent electoral results are presented. The following parties are discussed: Parti Socialiste, Parti Reformateur Liberal, the environmentalist party Ecolo, & Parti Social Chretien. S. Paul

The position of immigrant workers in the Belgian labor market & social security system is examined, based on statistical evidence. Total employment of immigrants has more than doubled, from 114,000 in 1954 to 245,900 in 1978. The proportion employed in industry has remained stable, while that in mining has declined & that in the tertiary sector has greatly expanded. The immigrants' young family structure is reflected in their relatively high share of family allowances & low demand on pension funds. Although there is no evidence of discrimination in the social security system, the immigrants' labor market position is unstable, especially for those who are not citizens of European Economic Community countries, which affects their social security rights; it is therefore suggested that immigrants be granted full citizenship after five years' residence in Belgium. 4 Tables, 2 Figures. Modified HA

Poverty in Antwerp, Belgium, is discussed from a historical perspective, noting that the worst misery began to disappear in the latter 19th century, & indigence virtually disappeared after the establishment of social care agencies after WWI. After WWII, the ongoing need for relief agencies was quickly recognized; the Openbaar Centrum voor Maatschappelijk Welzijn ([OCMW] Public Center for Social Welfare), established in 1976, is currently one of the main social relief agencies in Flanders. Here, quantitative data concerning its clients are provided, noting that, since 1994/95, relative & absolute records for the number of people in need of financial & medical aid have been broken. This crisis is related to the increasing number of single-parent families, political refugees, drug addicts, & elderly in the inner city. The need for preventive policies is addressed, asserting that only integrated development projects can improve matters for all risk groups. 6 Tables. Adapted from the source document.

A comparison of the social security systems developed since WWII in 10 European nations: Austria, Belgium, GB, France, West Germany, the Netherlands, Denmark, Italy, Norway, & Sweden. Differences in the systems that reflect ideology & social forces have often been more controversial than the amount of social expenditure. It is argued that the labor movement had a particular vision of social security, which was legislated where labor had the political majority & defeated elsewhere. Postwar developments have been shaped primarily by this factor, which has become more evident in the current crisis than in the period of general expansion in the 1960s to 1970s. 1 Table, 1 Schema. Modified HA

The gender, profession, & age of local elected Flemish politicians (N = 23,465), 1946-1988, are analyzed with respect to the composition of the population as a whole, & changes in it, drawing on data from the Belgian National Instit for Statistics. It is found that women have been underrepresented in Flemish local politics throughout the era, although slight improvements are observed from 1970 onward, especially after implementation of a representation law in 1994. Higher socioeconomic strata tend to be overrepresented, especially in larger communities; whereas the number of blue-collar workers, agrarians, & employers decreased significantly, the number of intellectuals, employees, & teachers increased. Few representatives under age 35 & over age 60 tended to be elected, but a decrease of average age around 1970 is observed. Differences between representatives of the various political parties are also discussed. 2 Tables. Adapted from the source document.