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В статье рассматривается расклад сил в шведском Риксдаге по вопросу вступления Королевства в Организацию Североатлантического договора (НАТО), выявляется наиболее активная группа депутатского корпуса – сторонников или противников НАТО. Этот вопрос весьма актуален для российского внешнеполитического курса и российских национальных интересов. Для получения более точного ответа на него в работе используется смешанная методология, с применением качественных и количественных методов при анализе медийной активности политических партий, представленных в Риксдаге Швеции, а также изменение электоральных предпочтений в 2015-2020 гг. Была выявлена более высокая активность парламентских партий, выражающих готовность вступления страны в НАТО, в сравнении с партиями – противниками членства Швеции в альянсе, что свидетельствует в пользу больших медийных возможностей у сторонников вступления Швеции в НАТО для изменения существующего статуса государства.

The article is devoted to the dissemination of online media technologies that led to the evolution of the life structure of modern youth. in a global information society. Internet communication, forming a virtual dimension of reality, represents a new habitat for youth interactive communities and the implementation of political communications. The author argues that network media in the digital age have become the most important institution of political socialization of the younger generation. The analysis of the priority directions of the media policy of the subjects of the political process using digital and network technologies showed that this mechanism is rapidly developing.

English version of the article on pp. 161-164 at URL: https://panor.ru/articles/impact-of-online-media-on-the-socialisation-and-inclusion-of-the-young-in-the-digital-age/65922.html

The author analyses the European Union's foreign policy in Central Asia. He indicates the basic tendencies of development of the EU cooperation with the countries of Central Asian region. Further, the author analyzes the implementation of joint projects within the framework adopted by the Partnership Agreements. Based on a critical analysis, the researcher highlights a number of constraints to effective development of relations between the EU and Central Asian states. He carries out a structural analysis of conceptual documents of the European Union for the development of bilateral and multilateral relations with Central Asian countries in the region.

Scientific novelty of this work lies in the systematization of stages in the evolution of relations between the European Union and the countries of Central Asia. The author divides the formation of cooperation into four main stages.

The first stage of the relations between the EU and the countries of Central Asia includes conceptual framework of the legal regulatory structure of bilateral and multilateral cooperation.

The second stage is characterized by the realization of a number of joint projects in the field of transport communications, democratic transformations, regional security and stability.

The third stage of the relations is determined by acquiring of special geographical significance of the region of Central Asia resulting from the engagement of the International Security Assistance Force in Afghanistan in 2001.

The fourth stage has begun in 2015 with the adoption of the EU Strategy for a New Partnership with Central Asia for 2017-2021.

These studies serve as a basis for developing some important proposals and recommendations for the improvement of the effectiveness of cooperation between the parties.

Recently, the topic of the life positions of young people attracts more attention due to the activation of youth in the socio-political space of the society life: defending their right to participate in the formation of urban space, participation in volunteer and environmental movement, for the preservation of cultural heritage and values ​​of a various spectrum: from traditional to modern. The nature of these and other types of activity is regulated by a life position, reflecting the understanding by different groups of young people of themselves, the meaning of their life, their role in society.

The article examines the essence of the life position of youth, the specifics of its formation within the existing semantic space of reality and the relationship with social activity. On the basis of the concept of socio-cultural self-regulation of life activity developed by the Center for Sociology of Youth of the Institute of Socio-Political Research FCTAS RAS and the data obtained in the course of the Center for Sociological Research, the author analyses the connection between the life position of young people and age, the level of material status and education, as well as with regional living conditions.

The interconnection between the life positions of young people and their ideological attitudes towards individualism and collectivism, trust and distrust of others are described. By using structural and taxonomic modeling of the life process of young people, the interrelationships of their life positions with elements of the socio-cultural mechanism of self-regulation are considered. Thus, the author analyzes the connections between the core of the taxon of habitus of active and passive life positions of young people with archetypes, mental traits, modern features and life-meaning values, types of youth cultures. It has been established that the regulatory function of an active life position is realiszed through both traditional and modern elements of the self-regulation mechanism: by archetypes of glory and idealzation of the past, on the one hand, and rationalism, openness to everything foreign, attitude to the country as a place of residence, on the other. In turn, the regulatory function of a passive life position is predominantly formed under the influence of the conditions of the vital activities of the young people, and the role of youth types of culture and life-meaning values ​​is reduced to their awareness of the semantic content of the formed habitual attitude. The article also analyzes the indicators of the social activity of young people based on their connection with the worldview semantic attitudes.

Статья посвящена поиску перспектив взаимной трансформации онлайн и офлайн форм гражданского протеста в современной России. Исследование основано на критическом анализе отечественной и зарубежной литературы, посвященной проблемам цифровизации и виртуализации политики, в том числе и протестных практик. Помимо этого, авторами использовался качественный контент анализ, позволивший подтвердить тезис о доминировании «диванного активизма» как основной формы онлайн-активности участников протестного сообщества в сети.
В статье показано, что развитие интернета и кризис традиционных социально-политических институтов приводят к возникновению новых форм взаимодействия между государством и гражданским обществом по вопросам решения общественно-значимых задач. Пандемия коронавируса привела к вынужденному ускорению процессов цифровизации. Однако увеличение активности в социальных сетях и появление специфических форм онлайн-активности не приводит к замещению офлайн протеста его онлайн аналогом. Виртуальные протесты, по-прежнему, представляются менее значимыми как со стороны активистов, так и со стороны государства, что является следствием попадания виртуальных форм участия «в слепую зону». Акции незамеченные «случайными прохожими» не имеют возможностей к быстрому росту, а значит и не приводят к тому общественному резонансу, необходимому для решения обозначенной проблемы.

The article presents the main results of the research of interests and political orientations of student youth which was carried out in 2014 at the Kazan federal university and its branches in the territory of the Republic of Tatarstan. The choice of student youth as a reference group is caused by a number of factors, among which we should name the status of intellectual elite, social and political mobility that allows to consider students as the potential actors of socio-political transformations in the country. The data obtained during poll compared with the results of last research allow defining the dynamics of development of student youth's political sentiment in the region. The study of political attitudes, preferences of students was based on the identification of a number of indicators (degree of interest in politics, the level of personal involvement in political life) and on the study of factors that determine the motivation of political behavior of students. Empirical studies make it possible to rank the problems that dominate the political consciousness of students in the region. These include a high level of corruption in the government, inflation, rising prices, the state of health and education systems and the growing income inequality. Particular attention is accented on the problems associated with the foreign policy aspects, threats, aggression from abroad. The study showed that most young people's interest in politics is limited primarily by informational level, rarely they have desire to express their own position or judgments in political situations. The level of real political participation, socio-political activity of students is low. Obtained results let us notice the increasing trend of demonstration of protest behavior among certain part of the students.

В статье рассматриваются отдельные аспекты трансформации гражданской активности в условиях развития информационно-коммуникационных технологий. В первой части статьи излагаются теоретико-методологические основы изучения гражданской активности, которые дают комплексное понимание предмета изучения и контекста происходящей трансформации социальной активности населения. Во второй части статьи представлены результаты проведенного в Ярославской области исследования, в котором систематизированы ответы экспертов из различных сфер деятельности относительно воздействия информационно-коммуникационных технологий на взаимоотношения органов власти и гражданских активистов, а также на процессы формирования гражданских коалиций.

Using the example of the political activity of Marcus Valerius Messalla Corvinus, the article examines one of the variants of the relationship between the old republican nobility and Augustus during his principate. Messalla Corvinus was a representative of the oldest Roman aristocratic family of Valerii, one of the leaders of republicans in the epoch of civil wars and, later, a prominent fi gure of political and cultural life of Rome. For the fi rst time, the authors attempt to contextualize his career in a diffi calt era full of change. Th e study demonstrates one of the models of how the relationship between Augustus and the republican aristocracy was structured. It attempts, on the one hand, to understand the tactics of the princeps, to determine the ratio of pressure and encouragement to cooperation, and, on the other hand, to establish the limitations of the republican nobility and their independence. Th e article evaluates Messalla's actions in the provinces, his appointment as a prefect of the city (praefectus urbi) and subsequent refusal to fulfi l this position, Messalla's performance of the offi ce of a water commissioner (curator aquarum), his memoirs, and his contribution to Augustus' "building program". Domestic and foreign researchers have oft en characterized Messalla Corvinus' activities as a "bridge" between two epochs in the history of the Roman state. However, in the opinion of the authors, Messalla appears to be a more independent and extraordinary personality, who was capable of not only having his own opinion, but also making his own choices, which sometimes diverged from the policy of the princeps. Noble origin, outstanding talents, ambitious aspirations and at the same time moderate claims together with skillful political calculation could provide Messalla Corvinus not only with the highest social and political position, but also with the independence in the "restored republic", when the course of events ruined some and elevated others.

В статье исследуется граница между допустимой свободой в личных и политических действиях меровингских королев и неординарными поступками Хродехильды и Радегунды, которые привели их на мучительный путь христианского поиска утешения и прощения. Политическая культура франков допускала в VI веке активную позицию для меровингских королев в качестве супруг франкских правителей и матерей королевских наследников. Личный политический выбор Хродехильды и ее стремление к регентской власти при внуках стали причиной трагической гибели ее близких. Глубоко переживая череду драматических событий в своей жизни, Радегунда избрала монашескую стезю и крайние формы аскезы. На примерах этих королев в неоднозначных оценках трех авторов аутентичных источников (Григория Турского, Венанция Фортуната и монахини Баудонивии) были сформулированы гендерные парадоксы для проявлений крайней жестокости, насилия и самоистязания.
The article explores the boundary between the permissible freedom in the personal and political activity of the Merovingian queens and the extraordinary actions of Clothild and Radegund, which brought them on the painful path of the Christian search for consolation and absolution. The political culture of the Franks in the sixth century allowed an active position for the Merovingian queens as spouses of Frankish kings and mothers of royal heirs. The personal political choice of Queen Clothild and her desire for regency with her grandchildren led to the tragic death of relatives. Deeply experiencing the dramatic events in her life, Queen Radegund chose the monastic path and extreme forms of ascetic practices. Based on the contrasting descriptions of these queens, in the ambiguous assessments of three authors of contemporary sources (Gregory of Tours, Venantius Fortunatus and the nun Baudonivia), gender paradoxes were formulated for manifestations of extreme cruelty and violent self-aggression.

This article is dedicated to examining the phenomenon of interpersonal political and psychological tension, as well as its measurement in the context of individual hostility and interpersonal sensitivity. The concept of social or interpersonal stress, which is generic in relation to interpersonal political and psychological tension, is analyzed. The article identifies the fragmentation of the field of relevant research, as well as a lack of the standardized sociological tools necessary to study the phenomenon of interpersonal political and psychological tension. The results of three validation studies aimed at developing the sociological test "Interpersonal Political and Psychological Tension" are described. An assessment is made of such parameters of the tool as the distribution of its total values, factor and construct validity, intergroup differences. The first study was a nationwide survey conducted in September 2019 (N = 600). The second study was an online survey conducted in September 2019 (N = 475). The third study was a nationwide survey conducted in February 2020 (N = 2038). A test variant was identified which provides the best results when used in mass surveys. Two patterns of the test's factorial structure are revealed, one of which is semantic, and the second being methodological in nature. Moreover, in both cases, high indices of factor validity were recorded. In the framework of construct validation, the test indicators appear to be loosely linked to the elements of the nomological network of political culture associated with attitudes. At the same time, a closer connection was observed to behavioral variables which describe individual aspects of everyday political activity. The following conclusions are made: 1) the test for measuring interpersonal political and psychological tension shows acceptable indices of factor and structural validity; 2) the study of the socio-psychological characteristics of political processes appears to be a promising area for further research using the test; 3) the specific composition of this test in the framework of public surveys is crucial for the reliability of its results when using personal interviews.

This article examines the theoretical aspects of transitioning political relations to the web, together with the informational-communicative risks associated with this process. It is highlighted that one of the relevant aspects of studying issues of a new social reality is linked to a rather rapid expansion of network structures within society, which leads to corresponding shifts in its social-political relations. As a result, the political realm is subject to significant change: notably, according to a number of experts, this leads to a gradual deterioration of traditional social institutions. As such, we can confidently claim that political activity, it being influenced by a transition to the web, is undergoing drastic change right before our eyes. That said it has to be mentioned that the substantial positive potential of our new network reality is also linked to a number of serious issues. Without a doubt, informational-network communicative technologies will take a serious toll on the morphology of social relations, which in many respects still rely on traditional hierarchies. We should also bear in mind that a drastic shift in social topology will inevitably lead to an increase in danger, risk and conflict in the social-political realm, which will be very difficult to predict due to the inherent nature of network structures. Development of risks or lack thereof is determined by the manner in which a network is used, which is why only the potentials of risks are linked to the nature of networks. The expert community warns us about severe threats to security and stability which our new social reality brings with it. It should be noted that in this day it is important to appeal to a range of issues which includes informational-communicative risks in the realm of political relations. Actual controversy in an informational-communicative society is associated with increased risk. In the author's opinion, as of today our new social reality is insufficiently conceptualized as an area of research. So far it lacks any sort of concepts which are universally recognized or even acceptable in the eyes of the vast majority of the scientific community. Difficulties in studying the features which characterize postindustrial development, as well as components of the latter such as globalization, informatization, transitioning to the web, are in no small part linked to rapid changes in our social reality, which prevent the effective use of past achievements in theoretical science as an analytical tool. Social-political relations and processes exhibit a high degree of dynamism, together with significant uncertainty. In its development an information society involuntarily broadens the spectrum of risky situations, which warrants serious changes in organizing control over informational-communicative risks in society, as well as developing and implementing effective informational policy.

This article is devoted to a comparative analysis of the basis for youth education concepts of political, patriotic and civic education. Today, the problem of integrating the educational component into the system of state policy in the field of higher education and state youth policy is of high relevance, that's why the problem of youth education are widely presented in scientific discourse. The most political science studies are devoted to patriotic education and less to civic education. As a result, Russian social and humanitarian scholars examine exclusively the theoretical, methodological and instrumental foundations of these areas of educational activity. At the same time, the political education is poorly studied both at the conceptual and methodological levels, which is associated with the reduction of the political component in educational processes for a long time.

This article examines social media as a relatively new tool of electoral and political activity aimed at creating a positive image of political parties and candidates to the European Parliament. In the modern world of politics it is becoming increasingly important due to such factors as the growing number of World Wide Web users, the decline in the traditional media popularity and the rapid spread of new media, as well as the transformation of the Internet space into the platform for active political interactions. The key role in realizing the task of forming political image belongs to political institutions (parties, state bodies), politicians and social activists, as well as population representatives. The analysis of the efforts of various political subjects in the social media roughly demonstrates three functions of this new phenomenon: social media as a turnout increase tool, as a tool of increasing the recognition of candidates and parties by population; as a tool of informing the population about political and electoral processes in society. Currently, the main obstacle for the strategic research in this area is the fact that social networking technologies are rapidly developing, that embarrasses in making long-term prediction on its use. In spite of the absence of recognized criteria giving the opportunity to evaluate political activity in social media, the key efficiency criteria and success factor is so called "permanent presence" of electoral activity subjects in the Internet. (author's abstract)

The article presents the results of applied political research, the purpose of which is to determine the scale, mobilization potential, social base, and digital communication technologies of protest-oriented information flow in the Russian segment of social media on the eve of the Single Voting Day of 2021. The cognitive mapping implemented in the study made it possible to identify the meaningful characteristics of the information flow. The social media analysis made it possible to determine the dynamic and structural characteristics of the information flow, the gender and age specifics of the users involved in it, as well as quantitative characteristics of the activity of key communities forming protest information flows. The method of social
graphs revealed the structure of interaction between the opposition and protest communities of Telegram in 2021. The event analysis carried out during the study made it possible to fix the key peaks of growth in the dynamics of user activity around protest events and discourses. On this basis, it was possible to identify the triggers used to involve users in protest information flows (elections, law enforcement agencies, vaccination, socio-economic problems), typologize the communities forming the protest information flow (protest aggregator communities, news aggregator communities, local analytics communities), and model of mass protest mobilization (primary trigger — secondary trigger — offline protest).

In the article the main methodological approaches to the problem of interaction of institutes of the state and civil society in the context of ensuring national security of Russia are analyzed. Two main alternative concepts (liberal and etatist) to which the Russian researchers adhere are allocated. Supporters of liberal approach suppose that domination of the interests of civil society and ensuring equal cooperation with government institutions at the solution of problems of ensuring national security is necessary. Adherents of the etatist concept defend an unconditional priority of government bodies in this sphere. The authors provide the conceptual analysis of estimates by domestic researchers of the main activities of associations of the citizens connected with the counteraction to threats of national security. In the article positive impact of institutes of civil society on political and social and economic processes in Russia is noted, their assistance in development of the state institutes of the state and the potential of constructive interaction with federal and regional authorities on ensuring national security is estimated. The detailed analysis of the politological concept according to which more active participation of public organizations and socially responsible citizens in ensuring national security is necessary, is carried out. Their influence on development of a security system has to become more and more considerable because of social and economic problems which are objectively demanding participation of civil society in their decision-making. It is connected also with the need of modernization breakthrough, not possible without civil initiatives. In the article the conclusion that the Russian researchers attach great value to interaction of institutes of the state and civil society in ensuring national security of the Russian Federation is drawn, conceptually proving the need of their joint activity for this direction, and noting that this potential is still not fully realized.