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If a country has no developed political party system, it is not really a democracy. And the development of political parties in Russia has a long way to go. The only branch of government in which parties play an influential role is in the State Duma (the lower house of parliament) -- not in the Federation Council (the upper house) or the executive branch. Addressing the question of why parties have developed so little elsewhere, it is argued that they are weak because the most powerful politicians choose to make them so. This institutional arrangement suits their purposes to control what happens in government from the top. Tracing the origins of this situation reveals that they lie in Russian history & culture, predating the Soviet period. Another impediment to party development is the scale of socioeconomic change in Russia. Socioeconomic cleavages were important to party development in Western Europe, with liberal & conservative parties representing different sectors of the population. However, there is reason for optimism for the future. While Putin enjoys solid support from the people, other major political actors do not; if Putin should cease to identify with Unified Russia, the majority party's future is uncertain. Also, a 2002 law passed by both houses & the president requires regional parliaments to be proportional in terms of political party representation. This will lead to party development at the regional level, which conceivably could spread upward. Tables. J. Stanton

After tracing the origins of political parties in post-Soviet Estonia, parties are classified on the basis of "dispute measurements" -- from areas in which they fundamentally agree to those on which they widely diverge -- using a left-center-right continuum. It is shown that two key areas constitute the major source of interparty differences: socioeconomic & cultural-ethnic; ideological differences between parties are also noted. Data are presented on the performance of the major parties since independent Estonia held its first Riigikogu (parliamentary) elections in 1992, comparing results with those of the 1995 & 1999 elections; changes in the size & number of parties, the rise & fall of coalitions, & characteristics of party supporters are analyzed. The fundamentals of the Party Law adopted in 1994 are outlined & the structure of the party system is described, concluding that it lags far behind that of more developed democracies; electoral participation also remains quite low. 14 Tables, 2 Figures. K. Hyatt Stewart

In this chapter of Life after Reform: When Bipartisan Campaign Reform Meets Politics, the authors reject the assumption that national political parties are strong in the US due to soft money, & argue that the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act (BCRA) will create broader competition by changing spending & fundraising strategies at the national level of political parties. The changes in use of resources of soft & hard money are contextualized in the light of the new limits & the new incentives to garner hard money donations. The changes in hard money requirements under BCRA as related to party choice of coordinated or independent spending with their chosen candidate is discussed in the case of the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee (DCCC). Findings indicate an increased use of political party consultants as a campaign expenditure. In conclusion, the authors predict significant change in the way federal campaigns are financed by a shifting of money away from national party committees to state & local parties, PACs & NGO's. 1 Table, 2 Figures. J. Harwell

A concluding chapter considers evolutionary, generational, & genetic interpretations of trends revealed in the essays regarding the role & importance of parties in democracies. The functions of parties can be categorized as either "representative" (interest articulation, aggregation, & policy formulation), or "institutional," (leader recruitment & government organization). There has been a shift in the balance of party functions from the combined representative & procedural roles that were typical of mass parties, to more exclusively procedural functions. This historic shift can be seen as a strategy of adaptation rather than an indication of decline. Three challenges facing contemporary parties are pointed out: (1) Political parties need to be capable of producing a relatively coherent internal hierarchy that can be "exported" in order to integrate different institutional arenas. (2) Parties must secure their institutional integrity by recovering their autonomy & coherence. (3) Parties have to regain their legitimacy in the eyes of the citizenry by conforming to legal/moral standards; relating to popular concerns; & emphasizing the authority of party politicians as opposed to technical experts. J. Lindroth

Arguing that a complete understanding of the functioning of modern liberal democracies entails analysis of the challenges facing political parties, key findings from empirical political science are reviewed & directions for future theory & research are outlined. Focus is on recent changes within & between Western European polities -- particularly those related to European integration -- & the challenges these pose for political party functioning as purposive organizations, including shifts in political values, national political cultures, socioeconomic transformations, the structures of political communication, & political issues & policy agendas. The mobilization & linkage functions of political parties in relation to the wider society are explored, along with parties' internal structure, organization, & behavior. Figures. K. Hyatt Stewart

Empirical data from various national opinion polls are used to analyze public attachment to political parties -- party identification -- across nations & time. The debate on the changing nature of partisan attachments in advanced industrial democracies & arguments about an increasing tendency toward dealignment are summarized, then supported with crossnational survey data, 1970s-1990s, from the US, Canada, GB, Germany, Sweden, Denmark, Finland, Norway, Austria, the Netherlands, & Switzerland. The impact of dealignment on electoral behavior is assessed at the national & individual levels, including effects on voting & citizen participation in political campaigns. Tables, Figures. K. Hyatt Stewart

The impacts of the Bilateral Campaign Reform Act (BCRA) on state & local elections are discussed in this chapter of Life after Reform: When Bipartisan Campaign Reform Meets Politics. Predictions of experimentation, decentralization & shifting power among partisan elites are discussed in the context of federal & nonfederal categories of party activities created by BCRA. States with election laws that differ greatly from BCRA are predicted to be the greatest experimenters as local parties reaggregate resources to bypass limits on the use of nonfederal monies. BCRA decentralization to local parties will lead to increases in certain types of local parties as state parties are distanced from federal candidates. The interdependencies of organizations in a resource dependent analysis points to state & local parties competing for funds that pre BCRA were used at the federal level. The authors conclude that the lasting impact of BCRA will be changes in intraparty relations as the lines since the line between state & federal campaign funds has been clarified. 2 Tables, 2 Figures. J. Harwell

This introduction to a collection of essays poses some of the questions addressed by them: What is the role of political parties in contemporary industrial democracies? How relevant & vital are they to the functioning of democracies? Do they represent citizens & foster their civic involvement? Or are they being superseded by other means of linking citizens & their state? The essays present case studies of long-established democratic societies, focusing on Western Europe, North America, & Australasia (though a second volume is planned that will address budding democracies around the world). Each case study examines the popular legitimacy of parties, party organizational strength, & the systemic functionality of parties. As a whole, the book offers insights into the changing nature & performance of modern political parties. References. J. Stanton

An exploration of political parties in India looks at the impact of federalism & a first-past-the-post electoral system; changes from a one-party-dominant system to moderate pluralism; & characteristics of the major parties. An overview of India's social pluralism & main cleavages is followed by a discussion of why India's majoritarian first-past-the-post electoral system has not led to a two-party system in accordance with Duverger's law. Changes within the party system are examined, along with the evolution, character, ideology, social base, & organizational features of the Congress Party; the Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP); the Janata family of parties; & the communist Left. The Congress Party has been the primary ruling party since 1947, but the BJP became the largest party in the last half of the 1990s. It is contended that the degree of political significance of current cleavages will determine whether India will gravitate toward a two-party system or extreme pluralism. Here, moderate pluralism is seen as the more likely long-term scenario. 5 Tables. J. Lindroth

Compares the role of political parties in cities of the US, Canada, Australia, Japan, Norway, Finland, Israel, & France, using information drawn from survey data collected from city officials as part of the Fiscal Austerity & Urban Innovation program of comparative resources. Results indicate worldwide appearance of a New Political Culture (NPC), especially in cities where citizens are able to employ tactics such as recall elections & citizens' initiatives. Partisanship is less visible in Japan & the anglophone countries than elsewhere, & analysis of the degree of party penetration in city government shows the deepest penetration in France & Italy, with the least in Australia & Canada. Other factors addressed include party receptiveness to organized business, labor, environmental, women's, & other groups. It is shown that parties based on class divisions, unions, clientelism, or patronage systems are the least receptive to ideas associated with the NPC, & most likely to alienate citizens, pushing them to protest, join new parties, or organize opposing groups/movements. 4 Tables, 4 Figures. J. Lindroth

Women have made great strides in the political arena, but many of these accomplishments have gone unnoticed in political science because of a lack of nonpartisan & partisan, research. To develop a more complete research agenda, the author proposes additional research be directed toward the following areas: theory gaps -- between women & politics, & interest groups & parties; research gaps on women's organization -- particularly research focusing on leadership, recruitment, power, & organizational culture; & finally, a gap between research & practice. The author notes that "cross disciplinary & innovative research partnerships," can fill those gaps so that the role of women in politics is truly understood. J. Harwell

Interest in electronic democracy in the developed world has increased since the early 1990s when rapid technological advances combined with a crisis of political legitimacy. This focus on electronic democracy led many to believe that the "new" media have fundamentally altered the traditional practices of political parties. This is not necessarily the case. Indeed, political parties have long utilized technological advances. Further, it must be recognized that many characteristics of the new media are to be approached with caution, particularly when the new opportunities for participation are accompanied by centralization & exclusion. In short, it cannot yet be proven that new media technologies have fundamentally altered the behavior of political parties. 41 References. K. A. Larsen