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The present study legal analysis of the legal aspects of violations of political rights and freedoms of men and citizen in the modern Russian criminal law, which is currently, despite the urgency of the problem, little studied in the direction from the point of view of the theory and from the practical point of view.

The publication is devoted to the analysis of international standards for women's rights and the constitutional law of modern Russia. The authors have concluded that today human and civil rights have no gender asymmetry, in particular political rights enshrined in the Constitution. The constitutional norm of equality between men and women in the political sphere is fully consistent with the universal international standards. The authors have found that the law does not differentiate between men and women; does not allow direct or indirect restrictions or advantages on the basis of gender in the civil service. Moreover, women are numerically a dominant group of civil servants, but predominate in performing positions, thereby saving "gender pyramid" in government and administration. The article shows that the Russian legislation does not contain provisions infringing the political rights of women. However, the traditional idea of the social roles of men and women are a significant barrier that limits women's ability to enjoy all rights and freedoms, despite the fact that such representations are especially characteristic of the domestic standard of everyday living of society. However, it is not clear what gender discrimination means in the political sphere of life. We must assume that this is due to the absence of statement in the legislation of the Russian Federation "discrimination against women".DOI 10.14258/izvasu(2017)3-05 ; Публикация посвящена анализу международных стандартов прав женщин и конституционного законодательства современной России. Авторы констатируют, что сегодня права человека и гражданина не имеют гендерной асимметрии, в частности политические права, закрепленные в Конституции РФ. Конституционная норма равноправия мужчин и женщин в политической сфере полностью соответствует универсальным международным стандартам. Авторами установлено, что в законодательстве не проводятся различия между мужчинами и женщинами, не допускается прямых или косвенных ограничений или преимуществ по признаку половой принадлежности на государственной гражданской службе. Более того, женщины остаются численно доминирующей группой в составе государственных служащих, но преобладают на исполнительских должностях, тем самым сохраняется «гендерная пирамида» в органах власти и управления. В рамках настоящей статьи показано, что законодательство РФ не содержит норм, ущемляющих политические права женщин. Однако традиционные представления о социальных ролях мужчин и женщин являются существенным препятствием, ограничивающим возможности женщин пользоваться всеми правами и свободами, несмотря на то, что такие представления прежде всего характерны для бытового уровня жизни общества. Вместе с тем не совсем понятно, что означает дискриминация по признаку пола в политической сфере жизнедеятельности. Надо полагать, что это связано с отсутствием формулировок в законодательстве РФ «дискриминации в отношении женщин».DOI 10.14258/izvasu(2017)3-05

In his book Histoire de l'extrême droite en France (A history of the extreme right in France), the French historian Michel Winock shows how difficult it is to give a simple, accurate definition of the extreme right, which he presents as 'a hard political tendency but a soft concept'. However, one of the characteristics which are common to most extreme right-wing parties is that they tend to inscribe their discourse on identity (not only from a political point of view but also from a cultural or even biological point of view) inside a marginal space and even a space of marginality, a domain for marginal personalities.We shall see that those organisations choose to place themselves deliberately into the margins of the political landscape and that they do it in both senses of the term: first because their discourses sound scandalous to democratic parties and secondly because those speeches often reflect their will to exclude themselves from the political game. Indeed, extreme right-wing theorists and politicians frequently refuse to exercise power because they consider that such an activity is almost inevitably tainted with compromise and corruption. So they prefer resorting to verbal – or even physical – violence in order to attract voters eager to protest against the supposed unfairness of the establishment. That is why extreme right-wing factions have to face a difficult situation in which they need to be marginal and scandalous to exist, but in which democratic, governmental parties can easily use their marginal character to turn them into political scarecrows and ensure their own dominance in an even surer way.

The article is dedicated to the analysis of influence of the human rights issue on the development of German-Chinese political relations at the present stage. The author analyses main issues of the Germany- China human rights dialogue, its legal basis, the positions and arguments of the sides. In the author's opinion, one of the main obstacles to the development of cooperation between Germany and China in this area is a different perception of the nature of human rights. The author concludes that both Germany and China in effect are willing to put aside the issue of "human rights violations" and criticism of non-compliance with fundamental civil and political rights of Chinese citizens for the sake of economic and trade cooperation between the two countries.

This article is devoted to the issues of electoral rights of women and their participation in public administration. The history of the development of women's voting right and their involvement in political processes is considered based on international norms and experience of foreign countries. Particular attention is paid to regulatory documents on the protection of the rights and freedom, the legitimate interests of women in the Republic of Uzbekistan. Moreover, the author analyzed the features and results of new reforms in Uzbekistan carried out in the economic, social, political spheres to increase the role of girls and women, as well as changing gender dynamics in the Parliament. In addition, the scientific work presents some proposals for enhancing the socio-political activity of females, strengthening their role in managing the state and society.

Preliminary Material /C. Tomuschat , E. Lagrange and S. Oeter -- 1. The Right To Life – Legal And Political Foundations /Christian Tomuschat -- 2. 'Death Is Different' – The Death Penalty And The Right To A Fair Trial /Walter Kälin -- 3. Le recours à la force par la police /Paul Tavernier -- 4. The Duty To Investigate The Death Of Persons Arrested And/Or Detained By Public Authorities /Vera Rusinova -- 5. The Bundesverfassungsgericht On The German Aerial Security Law: A Sonderweg From The Perspective Of International Law? /Georg Nolte -- 6. Le crime de génocide dans la jurisprudence internationale : débats et hypothèses /Rafaëlle Maison -- 7. The Right To Life And The Relationship Between Human Rights And Humanitarian Law /Vera Gowlland-Debbas -- 8. The ICRC's Clarification Process On The Notion Of Direct Participation In Hostilities Under International Humanitarian Law /Nils Melzer -- 9. Collateral Damages – Military Necessity And The Right To Life /Stefan Oeter -- 10. The Status Of Captured Fighters In Non-International Armed Conflict /Michael Bothe -- 11. Les « combattants irréguliers» en situation d'occupation militaire /Philippe Weckel -- 12. Targeted Killings – A Challenge For International Law? /Stefanie Schmahl -- 13. Assassinats ciblés et droit à la vie dans la jurisprudence de la Cour suprême israélienne /Hélène Tigroudja -- 14. Le tyrannicide en droit international /Jean d'Aspremont -- 15. Le droit à la vie et le droit à une alimentation suffisante /Emmanuel Decaux -- 16. The Right To Life And The Right To Health, In Particular The Obligation To Reduce Child Mortality /Eibe Riedel -- 17. «Réfugiés écologiques» et droit international /Astrid Epiney -- 18. Conclusions générales : « Le droit à la vie en tant que jus cogens donnant naissance à des obligations erga omnes ?» /Pierre d'Argent -- Contributors (Biographical Notes) /C. Tomuschat , E. Lagrange and S. Oeter.

Thèse - Université de Paris, 1909. ; Includes bibliographic references. ; Mode of access: Internet.

"A Messieurs les Electeurs de L'arrondissement de Liège." ; Dated at end: 1878. ; Caption title: Massacres. ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; In original paper wrappers.

Attribué à Joseph Sabin Raymond--Macmillan dictionary of Canadian biography / W.S. Wallace. ; Reproduction électronique. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; Mode d'accès: World Wide Web. ; 44

In Hungary, during 2010-2015 the growing xenophobic attitudes are noticed in the society, and right radical extremist groups gain power. The aim of the article is to identify the most significant factors that encourage xenophobia in Hungary. The types of right organizations and their electoral performance are determined. Our hypothesis is that the activity of right extremist organizations influences the formation of xenophobic social practices in Hungary. By means of factor analysis the author identified the main directions and forms of activity of right radicals, determined the value of socio-economic dynamics of Hungary, characterized the attitudes of society, the law and the ruling elite to the problems of xenophobia and right radicalism. Among the most influential factors we should name: open propaganda of nationalist ideas; constitutional priority to the interests of ethnic Hungarians; parliamentary membership of the Movement "For a Better Hungary"; condoning by the ruling elite, the courts and the police of the right radical activity. The paper presents the trend in the contemporary Hungary: the public demonstrates intolerance to right radicalism in cases of criminal behavior, but for the most part is loyal to its ideologies. Except for oppositional human rights organizations and ethnic communities, a significant part of Hungarian society often shows nearly complete indifference to the issues of xenophobia, racial and ethnic discrimination. The author described five groups of factors that stimulate the reproduction of xenophobic attitudes and practices among various groups of the population: "historical", institutional, socioeconomic, legal and political. The paper uses empirical data of public opinion polls conducted by leading research centers in Hungary, as well as statistical data of public authorities, civil society institutions.