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The article is dedicated to the historical phenomenon of Thirty Years' War in its literary interpretation. This historical event remains an important component in the collective cultural memory of Germans. Thirty Years' War is still considered one of the most brutal wars in German history. In connection with its 400th anniversary, relevance is given to historical researches in which the Thirty Years' War is presented as a "distant mirror" which enables a better understanding of conflicts and threats to modernity. In this context the proposed study treats literary sources about Thirty Years' War as an original artistic phenomenon with profound history and specific interpretation of this historical event depending on a certain age. Naturally, the baroque period of this literature stands out – till this day our idea of the catastrophe of Thirty Years' War is shaped by such works as Simplicius Simplicissimus by H. J. C. von Grimmelshausen or the sonnet 'Tears of the Fatherland' by Andreas Gryphius. Baroque literature was exceptionally political, raising the problems of religion, propaganda, refugees, relations between the government and its subjects, between civilians and the army men. It told about the fight for public opinion which was conducted using all possible publicist and literary means, "about the superior right to interpret an event" which confirmed a well-known statement that the first casualty of War is Truth. However different "the individual truths" about the war were of those whose statements were recorded in literature, Grimmelshausen's statement about the war as "a terrible and merciless beast" remains the most important. All texts about Thirty Years' War have a different expression of the same characteristics – embodiment of the esthetics of murder and different forms of violence. That is why in the research the Thirty Years' War is perceived as a significant historical and literary experiential model which enables direct cognitive access to modernity which is proven by such novels as Munin or Chaos in the Head ("Munin oder Chaos im Kopf", 2018) by Monika Maron and Daniel Kehlmann's Tyll ("Tyll", 2017). Contemporary novels are analyzed through the prism of history textualization theory which erases the borders between historiography and artistic literature. As a result, it is claimed that in these works Thirty Years' War is presented as a textualized network of connections which enables construction of historical experience. Yet, it is discovered that a person is unable to learn from history. The only ironic lesson is the creative position "chaos in the head" and "fool" as a survival strategy. ; В связи с четырёхсотым юбилеем Тридцатилетней войны в Германии (1618–1648) рассматривается литературный образ Тридцатилетней войны, осмысливается его роль в актуальном политическом и социальном контексте. Отмечается, что эта война продолжает обращать на себя пристальное внимание как историков, так и писателей современности. Она фигурирует как модель для понимания актуальных конфликтов и угроз. История литературы о Тридцатилетней войне такая же давняя, как и память о ней. В этой литературной тенденции отразились особенности анализа этого исторического события в тесной связи со временем его толкования. На примере романов "Мунин, или Хаос в голове" ("Munin oder Chaos im Kopf", 2018) Моники Марон и "Тилль" ("Tyll", 2017) Даниэля Кельмана показано специфику современного текстуализированного конструкта истории, ироническим уроком которого является "хаос в голове" и "дурак" как стратегия выживания. ; У зв'язку із чотирьохсотим ювілеєм Тридцятилітньої війни в Німеччині (1618–1648) розглядається літературний образ Тридцятилітньої війни, осмислюється його роль в актуальному політичному й соціальному контексті. Зазначено, що ця війна продовжує привертати до себе пильну увагу як істориків, так і письменників сьогодення. Вона фігурує як модель для розуміння актуальних конфліктів і загроз. Історія літератури про Тридцятилітню війну така ж давня, як і пам'ять про неї. У цій літературній тенденції відбилися особливості аналізу цієї історичної події в тісному зв'язку з часом її тлумачення. На прикладі романів "Мунін, або Хаос в голові" ("Munin oder Chaos im Kopf", 2018) Моніки Марон і "Тілль" ("Tyll", 2017) Даніеля Кельмана показано специфіку новітнього текстуалізованого конструкту історії, іронічним уроком якого є "хаос в голові" і дурень як стратегія виживання.

Entre 2007 y 2013, las autoras hicieron parte del Grupo de Memoria Histórica (GMH), integrado por investigadores y expertos y adscrito a la Comisión Nacional de Reparación y Reconciliación de Colombia. Su misión fue la de producir un informe sobre los orígenes y las causas del conflicto armado en el país. El GMH fue el resultado de una disposición de justicia transicional de la controvertida Ley 975 de Justicia y Paz que reguló el proceso de desmovilización de los paramilitares vinculados a las Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia (AUC). A pesar del contexto político de extrema derecha en el cual operó, y de adelantar su labor en medio del conflicto armado, el grupo tuvo autonomía intelectual y operativa en su trabajo investigativo y articuló su quehacer alrededor de un discurso que posicionó a las víctimas como razón del ejercicio de memoria histórica y factor de legitimación social. Este modo de producir conocimiento abrió nuevos caminos para la construcción de relatos históricos más integradores. En este artículo interrogamos las dinámicas y razones a partir de las cuales se construyó una especial sensibilidad hacia las víctimas, las nociones de víctima implícitas en el quehacer investigativo, con sus inclusiones y exclusiones, y las tensiones que se generaron en el quehacer del grupo. Si bien el GMH se puede caracterizar como un dispositivo y agente de producción de conocimiento sobre el pasado violento, su empeñó en construir narrativas integradoras y plurales sobre la violencia en el país se vio limitado por las dinámicas estatales e institucionales que buscan domesticar e instrumentalizar las voces de quienes han sido sistemáticamente silenciados y excluidos. La revisión del trabajo hecho por el GMH pone en evidencia la existencia de tres dilemas críticos que limitan los alcances de la labor de memoria histórica: el dilema entre abrir espacios que permitan contar la verdad y la seguridad de quienes dan sus testimonios; el dilema respecto a qué voces de las víctimas adquieren más autoridad durante el proceso de documentación; y el riesgo de institucionalizar un discurso alrededor de las víctimas que reditué en beneficio del capital narrativo del estado y de las instituciones sociales. ; Between 2007 and 2013, we were part of the Historical Memory Group (GMH), a research group comprised of researchers and experts working under the auspices of the National Commission for Reparation and Reconciliation of Colombia. The GMH was tasked under Law 975 with producing a report on the origins and causes of the armed conflict in Colombia. Despite the dominant right-wing political context and the ongoing armed conflict, the GMH enjoyed intellectual and operative autonomy in its research and articulated his work around a discourse that positioned the victims as a reason for the exercise of historical memory and a factor of social legitimation. This way of producing knowledge opened new avenues for the construction of more inclusive historical accounts. This article interrogates the dynamics and reasons that served as the basis for the GMH's special sensitivity towards victims; the notion of victim implicit in the research work, with its inclusions and exclusions; and the dilemmas that arose in the group's work. We argue that the GMH can be characterized as an agent of knowledge production about a violent past that was able to articulate comprehensive and plural narratives about violence in Colombia. However, this work was limited by state and institutional dynamics that sought to domesticate and instrumentalize the voices of those who had been systematically silenced. A review of the GMH's work suggests three critical dilemmas that constrain truth-telling mechanisms: the dilemma between opening spaces for truth telling and the safety of those providing testimony; the dilemma around whose victims' voices gain authority in the documentation process; and the risks of institutionalizing a discourse around victims that bestows narrative capital to state and societal institutions.

Background: Wheezing is one of the most common respiratory illnesses in children worldwide. Severe wheeze can result in significant morbidity, caregiver burden and increased health care costs. In addition, early childhood wheeze may be associated with reduced lung function, diminished airway responsiveness, increased risk of asthma in late childhood and subsequent respiratory disease including asthma in adulthood. This is particularly true in those experiencing recurrent wheeze episodes, which in the presence of viral respiratory tract infections, are believed to lead to asthma diagnosis. Thus, it is imperative to understand the risk factors for early childhood wheeze to reduce the increasing burden of respiratory illness. Recent research has seen a shift to maternal psychosocial risk factors and the impact these have on child respiratory health outcomes, such as wheeze. Various studies, largely conducted in High Income Countries (HIC), have found associations between antenatal or postnatal psychosocial risk factors, such as depression, psychological distress, and Intimate Partner Violence (IPV), and child wheeze and/or asthma diagnosis in early stages of life. However, these studies predominantly considered those in low-income urban regions that were predisposed to respiratory illnesses, including wheeze and asthma. Utilising the techniques and knowledge gained from previous studies, this research considers the relationship between antenatal or postnatal maternal psychosocial exposures and the onset and recurrence of child wheeze in a South African setting. In the study population used for this research, the reported prevalence of antenatal psychological distress and depression was 23% and 20%, respectively, while 34% of the women were exposed to antenatal IPV. Often those suffering from poor mental health in these contexts are not recognised and therefore remain untreated. In addition, service provision in these settings is also generally poor. The combination of low levels of social and psychiatric support, with unique political and socio-economic risk factors, may result in more persistent and severe forms of psychosocial exposure in Low Middle Income Countries (LMIC). Given the high prevalence of psychosocial risk factors, as well as the high prevalence of child wheeze, South Africa provides an excellent platform to investigate the association between maternal antenatal or postnatal psychosocial exposure and the development and recurrence of child wheeze in an LMIC context. Methods: The data used for this research was provided by the Drakenstein Child Health Study (DCHS), a prospective birth cohort study conducted in the Drakenstein region, a peri-urban region outside of Paarl in the Western Cape of South Africa. Pregnant women over 18 years old, between 20-28 weeks' gestation, living in the region were enrolled in a parent study, in order to investigate the epidemiology and aetiology of respiratory illnesses in children. The parent study considered various risk factors, including psychosocial risk factors such as maternal depression, psychological distress and IPV, which were measured antenatally and postnatally by validated questionnaires. In the context of this research, wheeze was considered to be present if it was identified during any routine study follow-up visit, as well as at an unscheduled lower respiratory tract infection (LRTI) episode visit during the first two years of life. Recurrent wheeze was defined as experiencing two or more episodes of wheeze in a 12-month period. Logistic regression was used to investigate the relationship between antenatal and postnatal psychosocial risk factors and child wheeze. Results: From the results, postnatal psychological distress and IPV were associated with experiencing at least one episode of child wheeze (adjusted OR = 2.10, 95% CI: 1.16-3.79 and 1.60, 95% CI: 1.11-2.29 respectively) and recurrent wheeze (adjusted OR = 2.33, 95% CI: 1.09- 4.95 and 2.22, 95% CI: 1.35-3.63 respectively), within the first two years of life. No associations were found between antenatal psychosocial risk factors and child wheeze. Of clinical covariates explored, maternal smoking and household smoke exposure, birth weight, gestational age, sex and population group were associated with the presence of wheeze. All of these clinical covariates, as well as alcohol consumption were associated with recurrent child wheeze. Conclusion: Maternal postnatal psychological distress and postnatal IPV had the strongest impact on predicting wheeze outcomes. These findings suggest that screening and treatment programs which address maternal postnatal psychosocial risk factors may lessen the burden of childhood wheeze in LMIC settings.

This article analyzes two essential components of María Victoria Valenzuela's autobiographical novel entitled Tres tiempos y la esperanza (1962), which narrates the author's experiences during the Spanish Second Republic, the Civil War, and the Franco dictatorship. I focus on the role played by nostalgia which, in the first part of the narrative, colors the descriptions of individual memories, as well as the narrator's comments on the milestones of the Republican period. Nostalgia is usually associated with essentialism and the irrational, but in this novel it can inspire in the reader empathy toward those who defended democracy. I then examine the narrative's feminist perspective that, on the one hand, highlights fascist violence against women. On the other, it rejects any form of essentialism that endorses the existence of innate differences between men and women. Any distinctions between the sexes are portrayed as consequences of socialization. I uphold this novel, almost completely forgotten by the critics, because of its testimonial value and its ethical and political content. Contrary to many novels that trivialize the past and use the Spanish Civil War as a backdrop, this text's commemorative task recreates a history free of the fascist fallacies, which continue to underpin the hegemonic version of the events. ; Este artículo analiza dos componentes nodulares del proyecto ideológico de la novela autobiográfica de María Victoria Valenzuela, Tres tiempos y la esperanza (1962), que narra las experiencias de la autora en la Segunda República, la Guerra Civil y el franquismo. Se centra en el papel de la nostalgia que, en la primera parte de la obra, tiñe tanto las descripciones de los recuerdos individuales como los comentarios sobre los hitos del período republicano. La nostalgia se suele relacionar con el esencialismo y lo irracional, pero en esta novela puede inspirar en los lectores empatía hacia los que defendieron la democracia. Después, se examina la perspectiva feminista de la narración que, por una parte, destaca la violencia fascista contra las mujeres y, por otra, rechaza cualquier esencialismo que defienda la existencia de diferencias innatas entre las mujeres y los hombres. Las distinciones que pueda haber entre los dos sexos se retratan como consecuencias de la socialización. Reivindicamos esta novela, casi totalmente olvidada por la crítica, por su valor testimonial y su contenido ético y político. Al contrario de muchas novelas que trivializan el pasado y usan la guerra civil como telón de fondo, la labor memorialista de esta obra recrea una historia libre de las falacias fascistas, que hasta hoy siguen apuntalando la versión hegemónica de los eventos. ; Este artigo analiza dous compoñentes basilares do proxecto ideolóxico da novela autobiográfica de María Victoria Valenzuela, Tres tiempos y la esperanza (1962), que narra as experiencias da autora na Segunda República, a Guerra Civil e o franquismo. Céntrase no papel da nostalxia que, na primeira parte da obra, tingue tanto as descricións das lembranzas individuais canto os comentarios sobre os fitos do período republicano. A nostalxia tende a se relacionar co esencialismo e o irracional, mais nesta novela pode inspirar nos lectores empatía cara aos que defenderon a democracia. Segundo, examínase a perspectiva feminista da narración que, por unha banda, salienta a violencia fascista contra as mulleres e, por outra, rexeita calquera esencialismo que defenda a existencia de diferenzas innatas entre as mulleres e os homes. As distincións que poida haber entre os dous sexos retrátanse como consecuencias da socialización. Reivindicamos esta novela, case totalmente esquecida pola crítica, polo seu valor testemuñal e o seu contido ético e político. Ao contrario de moitas novelas que banalizan o pasado e usan a Guerra Civil como pano de fondo, o labor memorialista desta obra recrea unha historia libre das falacias fascistas, que até hoxe seguen a alicerzar a versión hexemónica dos eventos.

This research offers a dual approach: it offers firstly an analysis of the consequences of gender globalization, through the application of policies meant to be universal, which are imposed to different participants. This research also looks at the reactions of these participants, particularly local women's organizations, and the ways in which they adapt or appropriate these international prescriptions. We mean to uncover how gender, as a specific category in the field of public intervention, spreads out, on the one hand, in development aid programs coming from funding countries, and, on the other hand, in developing countries. A multi-level analysis has thus been conducted, which looked at cooperation policies and programs supervised by Germany, at the application in chad and at the PRODALKA project. Are policies and projects aiming at economic and political empowerment or reforms of the code of personal status really being implemented? Can the impact of the PRODALKA project on the living conditions of women and their recognition by men really be measured? In order to answer these questions, this research, which is both qualitative and quantitative, relies on a survey conducted with 310 women and on a several formal interviews and several non-formal interviews with individuals involved with this topic, within the context of a bilateral program of economic development between Germany and chad. The thesis will show that not a lot of progress has been made by the PRODALKA project, although some women have witnessed an improvement of their conditions. Indeed, the projects carried out have not really taken into consideration women's needs or gender relations because of a posture of neutrality which implies that any type of action carried out in society benefits all groups, without exceptions. Those projects consisted more in actions aimed at integrated women in development, such as those that were conducted in the 1960s. Those types of actions were criticized by the « gender and development » approach, which offer theoretical and methodological tools that could have been used to prevent some of the mistakes that were made. ; La présente recherche développe une double démarche : l'analyse des effets de la globalisation du genre par des politiques qui se veulent universelles en s'imposant à différent-e-s acteurs/actrices et les réactions de ceux/celles-ci, particulièrement celles des organisations féminines locales, dans la façon d'adapter ou de se réapproprier ces prescriptions internationales. Il s'agit de rendre compte de la manière dont le genre en tant que catégorie d'intervention publique parvient à se déployer d'une part dans les programmes d'aide au développement des pays financeurs et d'autre part dans les pays du Sud. Une analyse multi-niveaux est donc menée, tant au niveau des politiques et programmes de la coopération allemande, que de l'état tchadien puis du PRODALKA. Des projets et politiques visant à l'empowerment économique et politique, mais aussi la lutte contre les violences faites aux femmes ou des réformes du code du statut personnel, sont-ils vraiment mis en oeuvre ? Peut-on repérer des effets du PRODALKA sur les conditions de vie des femmes mais aussi concernant leur reconnaissance par les hommes ? Pour répondre à ces questions, la recherche, à la fois qualitative et quantitative, s'appuie sur une enquête auprès de 310 femmes et sur une vingtaine d'entretiens formels et de plusieurs autres non formels auprès des personnes intéressées par cette thématique dans le cadre d'un programme bilatéral de développement économique tchado-allemand. La thèse montre que peu de progrès ont été rendus possibles par l'intervention du PRODALKA, bien que certaines femmes aient vu leurs conditions améliorées. En effet, les projets menés ont peu tenu compte des besoins des femmes ou des relations de genre à cause d'une posture de neutralité postulant que toute action menée dans la société profite à tous les groupes sociaux sans exclusive. Ils relevaient plutôt des actions de type « intégration des femmes dans le développement telles que celles qui étaient menées dans les années 1960 et ont été critiquées par l'approche « genre et développement » qui a proposé des outils théoriques et méthodologiques qui auraient pu éviter les erreurs commises.

Bajo el título «Otro modo de estar en la relación educativa. La investigación del movimiento de autorreforma italiana de la escuela como una experiencia de transformación personal», esta investigación da cuenta de una viaje de exploración y de autoexploración que siguiendo a Simons y Masschelein (2006), podríamos nombrar como «educativo o formativo». Se trata, por tanto, de una indagación que remite a una experiencia en educación, el Movimiento de autorreforma italiana de la escuela, donde lo más importante es la dimensión educativa o formativa de la actividad misma, o sea, mi experiencia de transformación personal. El Movimiento de autorreforma de la escuela italiana es un movimiento que nace como un espacio simbólico y relacional, político y pedagógico distinto para mirar de otro modo a la escuela y hacer política en y con ella. A menudo acompañada del adjetivo «gentil», la autorreforma de la escuela define la iniciativa femenina que hace ya años había dado vida a la Pedagogía de la diferencia sexual, caracterizada no por la voluntad de confrontarse u oponerse a la violencia de las transformaciones impuestas desde las alturas, sino más bien por la capacidad de mediar pacíficamente por otro sentido de la enseñanza que en parte ya existe. Así, el motivo principal de la tesis que ha llevado a este movimiento experiencial o viaje formativo de exploración y autoexploración, ha sido transitar, apreciar y aproximarme narrativamente al movimiento de autorreforma de la escuela y al pensamiento y la pedagogía de la diferencia sexual que me muestran otro modo de estar en la relación educativa. Para ello, he tomado la figura de pasaje y pasión (Larrosa, 2009) para configurar mi experiencia formativa o educativa, es decir, para dar cuenta de lo que me fue pasando (pasión) en el tránsito o recorrido (pasaje), trayéndola a la mano a partir de una profundización narrativa (Contreras, 2015). ; Under the title «Another way of being in the educational relation. The investigation of the Italian self-reform movement of the school as an experience of personal transformation», this investigation account for a trip of exploration and self-exploration that following to Simons and Masschelein (2006), we might name as «educational or formative». It refers, therefore, to an inqury that comply with an experience in education, the Movement of Italian self-reform of the school, where the most important thing is the educational or formative dimension of the activity itself, or rather, my experience of personal transformation. The Movement of self-reform of the Italian school is a movement that is born as a symbolic and relational, political and pedagogic different setting to look differently at the school and to do politics in and with her. Often accompanied of the «gentile» adjective, the self-reform of the school defines the feminine initiative that already years ago had given rise to the Pedagogy of the sexual difference, characterized not only for the will to confront or to be opposed to the violence of the transformations imposed from the heights, but rather for the aptitude to struggle pacifically for another sense of the education that partly already exists. This way, the principal target of the research that has led to this experiencial movement or formative trip of exploration and self-exploration, has been to walk through, to estimate and to come closer narratively to the self-reform movement of the school and to the thought and the pedagogy of the sexual difference which shows another way of being in the educational relation. In order to achieve this, I have taken the figure of passage and passion (Larrosa, 2009) to shape my formative or educational experience, that is to say, to give account of what I have been going through (passion) in the transition or walk (passage), bringing it to the hand from a «narrative deepening» (Contreras, 2015).

In an attempt to examine the possibility of a constructive communication with a country like Iran, the intention of this thesis is to acquire a diverse perspective toward the current political and cultural struggles in the relationship between the country and the wider world. Studying the very recent Iranian nuclear deal, I am hoping that this study will provide creative alternative perspectives for more constructive conflict coverage in the future. Very often the conflict between Iran and the rest of the world has been reduced to simple binary oppositions such as dictatorship vs. democracy, or new vs. traditional, or secular vs. religious. By examining discourses of the news media, we may realize possible alternative ways of shaping communication with regards to a peaceful and hospitable act that will honor the voices of the other. Through a discourse theory approach, this study reviews the coverage of the Iran's nuclear deal in the mainstream news media; the selected media outlets are New York Times, Fox News Online Website, Kayhan and IRNA; these well-received study cases are chosen from the United States and Iran. I have tried to present the more conservative and liberal voices in addition to the more leftist ones. In this thesis, I have benefited from Derrida's notion of deconstruction, as well as Foucault's critical view of discourse. This thesis challenges and questions the realities that are being constructed and their relationship with knowledge and power. I argue that the coverage of the mentioned newspapers had a specific way of fixing meaning that can result in creating more tension, and ultimately violence. The aim here is to problematize the dominant discourses and to challenge any attempt of normalization. By exposing the selected texts to the social and historical context of their claims, one may be able to uncover their binary oppositional perspective, and to problematize them with foregrounding what has been backgrounded. Keywords: Iran nuclear deal, discourse analysis, New York Times, Kayhan, IRNA, Fox News, constructive conflict coverage, Peace journalism. ; ÖZ: Bu tezin amacı İran gibi bir ülke ile yapıcı bir iletişim kurma imkanını inceleyerek, İran'ın mevcut siyasi ve kültürel mücadelelerine ve dünyanın geriye kalanıyla ilişkisine çok yönlü bir bakış açısı kazandırmaktır. Yakın geçmişte yapılan Iran nükleer anlaşmasını inceleyerek, çatışmalar üzerine ileriye dönük yaratıcı, yapıcı ve çok yönlü bir haber yapımı sağlamayı umuyorum. Sıklıkla Iran'la dünyanın geriye kalanıyla arasındaki fikir ayrılıkları ikili karşıtlıklar şeklinde basite indirgenmektedir, mesela, diktatörlüğe karşı demokrasi, ya da yeniye karşı geleneksel veya sekülere karşı dindar gibi. Bir çok kişi tarafından tarafsız ve açık olarak görülen New York Times'ın bile bu basite indirgeme tuzağına düştüğü gözlemlenmiştir. Haber medyasının söylemlerini inceleyerek daha barışçıl, ılımlı ve diğerlerinin seslerini de onurlandıran bir iletişimin şekillenmesinde olası alternatiflerin de farkına varılabilir. Bu tez söylem teorisi yaklaşımı ile, İran'ın nükleer anlaşmasının ana akım medyada nasıl haberleştirildiğini gözden geçirmektedir. Bu bağlamda ABD'den ve Iran'dan ana akım medya kanalları olan New York Times, Fox News Online website, Kayhan ve IRNA örnek olarak seçilerek hem muhafazakâr, hem liberal, hem de solcu görüşleri sunmayı amaçlıyorum. Bu tezde Derrida'nın yapısökümü kavramından ve Foucault'un söyleme eleştirel bakış açısından faydalanılmıştır. İnşa edilmiş gerçeklikleri ve bu inşa edilmiş gerçekliklerin güç ve bilgi arasındaki ilişkisini sorgulayan bir tezdir. Yukarıda belirtilen gazetelerin, belirli bir sekilde anlamlandırdığı haberlerin, daha fazla gerginlik ve hatta şiddet yaratarak sonuçlanacağını savunuyorum. Buradaki amaç, baskın söylemi problematize ederek herhangi bir normalleştirme çabasını reddetmektir. Ancak seçilmiş yazıların sosyal ve tarihsel bağlamdaki iddialarına ışık tutulursa barındırdıkları ikili karşıtlıklar ortaya çıkacak ve geri plana itilmiş olan açığa çıkacaktır. Anahtar Kelimeler: İran'ın Nükleer Programı, Söylem Analizi, New York Times, Kayhan, IRNA, Fox News, Barış Gazeteciliği ; Master of Arts in Communication and Media Studies. Thesis (M.A.)--Eastern Mediterranean University, Faculty of Communication, Dept. of Communication and Media Studies, 2016. Supervisor: Assoc. Prof. Dr. Tuğrul İlter.

Resumen: La región del Bajo Atrato, en el departamento del Chocó en Colombia, es una región codiciada por actores económicos políticos y militares. Esto ha conllevado a la articulación de diferentes movilizaciones en torno a la tierra y sus recursos por parte de la población local. La promulgación de la ley 70 de 1993, que otorgó derechos colectivos sobre la propiedad de la tierra a las "comunidades negras", es un eslabón en el proceso de movilización que se ha llevado a cabo en la región. Este proceso fue interrumpido por la violencia del conflicto armado y el desplazamiento forzoso masivo luego de las operaciones militares de carácter contrasubversivo en 1997. A raíz de esta situación, una parte de los habitantes de las cuencas de los ríos Jiguamiandó y Curvaradó decide organizarse para retornar sobre sus tierras. Las Zonas Humanitarias y de Biodiversidad son el resultado de este proceso. A partir de estos espacios de movilización, los habitantes intentan resistir a los intereses de los diferentes actores sobre sus tierras y proponer una alternativa al modelo que se está desarrollando en la región del Bajo Atrato.Este artículo se propone explorar la manera en que, a través de las reconfiguraciones territoriales en la cuenca del Curvaradó en la región del Bajo Atrato, considerada como una región periférica del país, olvidada por el Estado y sus instituciones, está siendo renegociada una nueva manera de concebir el Estado y la ciudadanía.Palabras clave: Bajo Atrato, Zonas Humanitarias y de Biodiversidad, Estado, Ciudadanía, Reconfiguraciones territoriales. ***Abstract: The Lower Atrato region, located in the department of Chocó in Colombia, is a region coveted by economic political and military actors. This has led to the articulation of different mobilizations over the land and its resources by the local inhabitants. The enactment of Law 70 of 1993, which granted collective rights over the land to the "black communities" is a step further in the process of mobilization that has taken place in the region. This process was interrupted by the violence of the armed conflict and the massive forced displacement that followed the countersubversive military operations in 1997. Following this, a part of the inhabitants of the basins of the rivers Jiguamiandó and Curvaradó get organized and decides to return to their lands. Humanitarian and Biodiversity Zones are the result of this process. Based on these spaces of mobilization, people try to resist the interests of the different actors over their lands and put forward an alternative to the model that is being developed in the Lower Atrato.This article seeks to explore the way in which, trough the territorial reconfigurations in the Curvaradó in the Lower Atrato, considered as a peripheral region of the country, forgotten by the State and its institutions, a new way of conceiving the State and the citizenship is being renegotiated.Key words: Lower Atrato, Humanitarian and Biodiversity Zones, State, Citizenship, Territorial reconfigurations. ***Resumo:Entre 1982 e o ano de 2000 o Estado mexicano estabeleceu um importante dispositivo institucional que incluiu a elaboração de leis e a criação de dependências governamentais com a finalidade de proteger o meio ambiente e fomentar o desenvolvimento local e regional. O Estado adquiriu assim um papel relevante no estabelecimento de uma nova governança com relação ao uso dos recursos naturais, mas qual tem sido o papel que as populações locais tiveram na construção da atual governança ambiental ? E quais tem sido os mecanismos utilizados para impugnar ou aproveitar a normatividade ambiental estatal?Este artigo busca responder a estas preguntas a partir de três estudos de caso realizados em uma área natural protegida no sul do México, com intenção de revelar como se adotam, reformulam, ou evadem as políticas de conservação na prática.Palavras-chave: recursos naturais, unidades de conservação natural, regulamentos ambientais do estado, respostas locais.

The outcomes of criminal legislation and the indicators of criminal prosecution show an increasing punitiveness in Lithuania. On the 1st of May 2003, into force came the new Criminal Code, Criminal Procedure Code and Code of Execution of Penalties and allowed to balance the punishment practice, for example, over 5 years to reduce the number of prisoners (250 prisoners per 100 000 of population), although it was still several times higher than the European average. However, in the period of the so-called financial (economic) crisis, the situation has changed radically. The terms of imprisonment began to rise, and the restrictive practice of conditional release returned the number of prisoners in Lithuania (315 of the end of 2013) to the time of 2001–2002. Lithuania has overtaken Georgia, Latvia, Ukraine and has established itself in the 3rd place among all European countries after Russia and Belarus. During this period, the number of crimes in Lithuania remained unchanged, while the most serious crimes (homicide, serious bodily injury, rape, robbery) have been declining continuously. The intensified criminal prosecution for domestic violence has increased the total num­ber of convicted persons by about 20 percent, but it wasn't an essential reason for the growth of the prison population. The question-title of this article is rather rhetorical and expresses more the authors' nuisance than offers the answer to this question-title. However, according to the au­thor's and other European criminologists' studies and insights, the culture of punish­ment primarily depends on the social, cultural, political, and economic contexts of the country with a long historical trail, as well as on the actual economic situation. The increasing criminal punitiveness in the times of a financial (economic) crisis convincingly explains the scapegoat theory in which the main description of the attach­ment of blame by "strangers" is concerned with the lack of confidence among people and institutions in society. Attempts to solve the problems of criminal behaviour by increasing criminal re­pression (punitiveness) shows the persistence of the old totalitarian tradition which is shaping the culture of punishment in Lithuania. Since 2011, 19 amendments to the Criminal Code have been adopted, and the majority of these changes were related with the tightening of criminal responsibility. Part of these changes have been associated with the EU law enforcement, but in most cases this has been done straightforwardly, without a wider debate and without taking into account the peculiarities of the national criminal justice. In addition, most of these changes were not related to the implementa­tion of the EU legislation. The article concludes that it is necessary to change the culture of punishment in Lithuania, but in order to do this, it is necessary to illustrate the in­dicators of punitiveness and to reflect the situation, to see the fundamental differences from the other EU countries, and the possible alternatives. ; Baudžiamasis klimatas Lietuvoje tampa labiau atšiauresnis, tai matyti įvertinus baudžiamųjų įstatymų leidybos ir baudžiamojo persekiojimo rodiklius. Šis procesas kelia daug klausimų ne vien Lietuvos, bet ir kitų Europos šalių kriminologams – po 2003 m. Lietuva bent 5 metus pirmavo pagal kalinių skaičiaus mažėjimą Europoje (nors jam net gerokai sumažėjus jis vis tiek dar buvo kelis kartus didesnis už Europos šalių vidurkį), o naujasis Baudžiamasis kodeksas su geriau subalansuota valstybės reakcijos priemonių į nusikalstamą elgesį sistema leido tikėtis ne tik ilgalaikių teigiamų padarinių, bet ir pokyčių baudimo kultūroje. Pastaraisiais metais vis labiau aiškėja, kad ji nepasikeitė. Šiame straipsnyje analizuojami pagrindiniai baudžiamojo represyvumo didėjimą Lietuvoje atspindintys rodikliai, per jų visumą siekiant atskleisti bendras represyvėjančio baudimo tendencijas. Nors straipsnio pavadinimu keliamas klausimas yra daugiau retorinis ir labiau atspindi apmaudžią nuostabą nei į jį turimą atsakymą ar atsakymus, tačiau remiantis autoriaus ir kitų Europos kriminologų atliktais tyrimais bei įžvalgomis daroma pagrindinė išvada, kad baudimo kultūra pirmiausia priklauso nuo socialinio, kultūrinio, politinio ir ekonominio konteksto, turinčio ilgą istorinį šleifą, taip pat nuo ekonominio laikmečio ypatumų. Bandymai spręsti nusikalstamo elgesio problemas didinama baudžiamąja represija liudija tebevyraujančią seną tradiciją. Norint ją keisti, būtina ją parodyti ir suvokti, pamatyti esminius skirtumus nuo kitų Europos Sąjungos šalių ir galimas alternatyvas.

Bu Yüksek Lisans Tezi'nin amacı Türkiye'nin önemli bir sorunu olarak karşımızda duran PKK ve ona karşı yapılan mücadelenin Türk kamu yönetiminin işlevleri açısından bir süreç olarak incelenmesi ve terörle mücadele ile terörizme mücadele ekseninde Türk kamu yönetimindeki değişiminin araştırılmasıdır. Temel varsayım Türk kamu yönetiminin terör ve terörizmle mücadelede bir süreç olarak terörle mücadeleden terörizmle mücadele alanına kaydığı ve bunun nedeninin değişen konjonktür, değişen PKK ve kamuoyunun şiddete doygunluğu olduğudur. Üç bölümden oluşan bu tezin ilk bölümünde kavramsal çerçeve dâhilinde araştırmanın temeli olan terör ve terörizm kavramları ve bunların nedenleri, amaçları, unsurları, ayrımları zengin bir literatürle anlatılmıştır. Tezin ikinci bölümünde ise Türkiye'de PKK dışındaki terör örgütleri anlatılmıştır. Tezin son bölümünde ise PKK terör örgütü kökleri, örgüt yapısı ve finans kaynakları ile ayrıntılı bir şekilde anlatılmış ve Türkiye'nin terörle mücadelede kamu yönetiminin işlevleri yasama ve yürütme erklerinin faaliyet ve uygulamaları ile incelenmiş ayrıca Kürt Sorunu ve PKK terörünün bitirilmesi amacıyla ortaya konan belli başlı raporlar özetlenmiştir. Tezin katkısı ile PKK'daki ve Türkiye'nin terörle mücadelesindeki değişimler ve nedenleri ortaya konmuş ve konu bütüncül bir şekilde ele alınmıştır. Tezin bir başka katkısı ise PKK terör örgütünün ulaşılması yasal kendi yazılı kaynakları ile incelenmesi ve nesnel veriler ışığında doğru bir şekilde anlatılmasıdır. Sonuçta bu Yüksek Lisans Tezi ile PKK'daki değişimler bir süreç olarak irdelenmiş ve bunun Türk kamu yönetimindeki değişimler ile nedenselliği ortaya konmuştur. PKK'nın değişim süreci sonunda siyasallaşması ve terörizmi sadece alternatif bir güç haline getirmesi ile Türk kamu yönetiminin terörizmle mücadele ile artık mücadelenin siyasi, ekonomik ve toplumsal yanına ağırlık vermesi durumları arasında bağlar ortaya konarak temel varsayımımız doğrulanmıştır. The aim of this Master's Thesis is to study as a process the fight against the PKK and its terrorism that confronting us as a significant problem in Turkey, in terms of the functions of Turkish public administration and to quest the changes in Turkish public administration in the axis of the fight against the terror and the terrorism. Our basic assumption is that in its fight against the terror and the terrorism, Turkish public administration has shifted as a process from the fight against terror to the area of fight against terrorism and the reason for this is the changing environment, the changing PKK and the satiety of public to the violence. In the first section of this thesis consisting of three sections, we described in a rich literature the terror and the terrorism which is the basis of research within the conceptual framework as well as their definitions, causes, purposes, elements and differences. In the second section of the thesis, we explain in details the other terrorist organization in Turkey. In the last part of the thesis, we explain PKK terrorist organization with its roots, organizational structure and financial resources and we analyze the functions of public administration in the fight against terrorism in Turkey as well as the activities and practices of the legislative and executive powers and we also summarizes the major reports set forth in order to inactivate clear up the Kurdish problem and solve the PKK terror. Thanks to this thesis, we put forward the changes in the PKK and the fight against the terror in Turkey as well as their reasons and we deal with the subject in a holistic manner. Another contribution of this thesis is to study the PKK terrorist organization with its own legally accessible written sources and to illustrate it correctly in the light of objective data. As a result, this Master's Thesis researches as a process the changes in the PKK and sets forth the causality of this with the changes in the Turkish public administration. We have validated our basic assumption by putting forward the bonds between the fact that the PKK has become politicized as a result of the process of change and has changed its terrorism into an alternative power and the fact that Turkish public administration has started to give more weight to political, economic and social side of the fight in its fight against terrorism.

Предлагаемая Вашему вниманию статья является переводом работы Дж. Киртона и Дж. Кулик «Саммит значительных успехов: результаты саммита Группы восьми в Кэмп-Дэвиде в мае 2012 г.». Авторы статьи анализируют итоги саммита «восьмерки». 18-19 мая 2012 г. президент США Б. Обама принимал в своей резиденции в Кэмп-Дэвиде 38-й ежегодный саммит «Группы восьми». Лидеры обсудили вопросы глобального экономического роста, развития, мира и безопасности, и менее чем через 24 часа обнародовали краткое пятистраничное коммюнике. Несмотря на это, Кэмп-Дэвидский саммит завершился успешно. В ходе встречи лидеры обсудили наиболее актуальные вопросы, задав в то же время направление последующим встречам, в том числе саммиту НАТО в Чикаго, «Группы двадцати» в Лос-Кабосе и Рио+20 в Рио-де-Жанейро. Этот успех был обусловлен рядом причин. Первой стала серия сильных глобальных потрясений, обсуждение которых было включено в повестку дня саммита. В их числе новый этап кризиса в еврозоне, высокие цены на нефть и продовольствие, а также эскалация конфликта в Сирии. Второй причиной стала неспособность других важнейших международных институтов решить эти проблемы. Третья причина приверженность «восьмерки» продвижению демократии и ее роль в таких вопросах, как демократическая трансформация на Ближнем Востоке и в Северной Африке. Четвертой причиной стало укрепление относительных возможностей стран «Группы восьми», поддержанное сильными позициями доллара США, японской иены и британского фунта. Пятая причина наличие у присутствовавших лидеров политической власти, капитала, преемственности, компетенций и поддержки в их странах. Саммит в Кэмп-Дэвиде стал для ряда лидеров шестым или седьмым, а некоторые из них обладали поддержкой большинства граждан и контролем над законодательными собраниями своих стран. Наконец, еще одной причиной успеха стало ограниченное число участников саммита в Кэмп-Дэвиде, прошедшего в традиционной для «восьмерки» атмосфере уединенности, являющейся ее уникальным и оригинальным преимуществом и позволяющей лидерам общаться в более непринужденной обстановке. Совокупность этих факторов позволила «Группе восьми» вновь заявить о себе как о сильном центре эффективного глобального управления. ; On May 18-19, 2012, at the presidential retreat in Camp David in Maryland, U.S. president Barack Obama hosted the 38th annual G8 summit. The leaders discussed global economic growth, development, and peace and security. After less than 24 hours of face-to-face time among the leaders, they issued communiqué of only five pages. However, Camp David was a significant success. The leaders came together to effectively address the most pressing issues of the day while setting the direction for the summits that were to follow, including the summit of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization in Chicago, the G20 in Los Cabos, Mexico, and the Rio+20 Summit in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. That success was propelled by several causes. The first is the set of strong global shocks were particularly relevant to a number of items on the agenda. This included the newest installment of the euro-crisis, spikes in oil and food prices, and the escalating violence in Syria. The second is the failure of the other major international institutions to address these challenges. The third is the club's dedication to the promotion of democracy and its significance on issues such as the democratic transition in the Middle East and North Africa. The fourth is the high relative capabilities of G8 members, fuelled by the strength of the U.S. dollar, the Japanese yen and the British pound. The fifth is the domestic political control, capital, continuity, competence and commitment of the leaders in attendance. Camp David saw several G8 leaders returning for their sixth or seventh summit and leaders with a secure majority mandate and control of their legislative houses at home. Finally, the constricted participation at the remote and secluded Camp David Summit, a unique and original advantage of the G8 summit style, allowed for more spontaneous conversation and interpersonal bonds. Together, these interconnected causes brought the G8 back, as a broader, bigger, bolder centre of effective global governance.

This paper intends to show, in first instance, the existence of some "artifacts" as devicesof memory, born out from various exercises conducted among communities havingundergone violence. These devices are the "living" embodiment of underground memoriesthat were gathered within various inquiry and extension projects by the researchgroup. In the second part, a more theoretical reflection is put forward on the Memory/Power relationship as the frame of discussion within which these experiences aresituated, emphasizing two aspects: making visible those "spaces of power" where bothmemories are situated within today's Colombian society so as to show specifically howthose spaces of power appear, as well as the instruments they make use of, qualifyingmemories either as dominant or underground; and to show those spaces, just like anyother social process, are not immutable or unchangeable phenomena, but are proneto be transformed, redefined and even reconfigured up to leading all the way to makechanges to differently distribute the resources of power leaving their mark on them.In a third final part, a reflection "as a working hypothesis" is made, which could bethe way to change the issue at hand and suggest new paths aiming to shift the placein society for those underground (marginal, hidden and scarcely visibilized) memoriesand make them emerge to surface so that they can develop all of their political potentialand get their due place in Colombia's historical memory. ; El artículo pretende mostrar, en primer lugar, la existencia de algunos "artefactos" como dispositivos de la memoria, surgidos de diversos ejercicios realizados con comunidades víctimas de la violencia que son la "viva" expresión de esas memorias subterráneas y que han sido recopilados en el marco de diferentes proyectos de investigación y de extensión del grupo de investigación. En la segunda parte, introduce una reflexión más teórica sobre la relación Memoria/Poder como el marco de discusión donde se sitúan estas experiencias, enfatizando en dos aspectos: el de hacer visibles esos "espacios de poder" en el que unas y otras memorias se sitúan al interior de la sociedad colombiana de hoy para mostrar cómo son. Finalmente, y en una tercera parte del artículo, se deja planteada una reflexión "a modo de hipótesis de trabajo" que podría ser la vía para invertir el asunto y proponer caminos con el objeto de que esas memorias subterráneas (marginales, ocultas y poco visibilizadas) cambien de lugar en la sociedad y emerjan a la superficie desarrollando todo su potencial político y obteniendo por derecho propio un lugar en la memoria histórica del país. ; O artigo pretende mostrar, em primeiro lugar, a existência de alguns "artefatos" comodispositivos da memória, surgidos de diversos exercícios realizados com comunidades vítimasda violência que são expressão a "viva" dessas memórias subterrâneas e que foram recopilados dentro de diferentes projetos de pesquisa e de extensão do grupo de pesquisa. Na segundaparte, introduz uma reflexão mais teórica sobre a relação Memória/Poder como o escopode discussão onde se situam estas experiências, enfatizando em dois aspectos: o de fazervisíveis esses "espaços de poder" em que umas e outras memórias se situam no interior dasociedade colombiana de hoje para mostrar como são, exatamente, esses espaços de poder eos instrumentos dos quais se servem, os que lhes dão o caráter de dominantes e subterrâneasàs memórias; e para mostrar que tais espaços, como todo processo social, não são fenômenosimutáveis ou imodificáveis, e que sim podem transformar-se, redefinir-se e inclusive podemser reconfigurados até conduzir a mudanças que distribuam de outra maneira os recursosde poder que os marcam. Finalmente, em una terceira parte do artigo, é proposta umareflexão "a modo de hipótese de trabalho" que poderia ser a via para inverter o assunto epropor caminhos com o objeto de que essas memórias subterrâneas (marginais, ocultas epouco visibilizadas) mudem de lugar na sociedade e apareçam na superfície desenvolvendotodo seu potencial político e obtendo por direito próprio um lugar na memória histórica do país.

Uvod/Cilj. Tortura, kao poseban vid političkog nasilja, predstavlja ekstremnu primenu nasilnog ponašanja u interpersonalnim odnosima, koji za posledicu mogu imati ne samo akutne psihijatrijske poremećaje, već, veoma često snažne i dalekosežne negativne posledice po ukupno psihosocijalno funkcionisanje žrtve. Cilj ovog rada bio je ustanovljavanje međupolnih razlika kod osoba koje su pretrpele ratnu torturu, s obzirom na vrste pretrpljenog mučenja i karakteristike psihičkih posledica. Metode. Ispitanike (410 osoba muškog i 76 ženskog pola) činili su korisnici 'Centra za rehabilitaciju žrtava torture' - IAN, koji su pretrpeli mučenje u zatvorima i koncentracionim logorima za vreme građanskih ratova u bivšoj Jugoslaviji 1991-1995. i 1999. godine. Za evidentiranje vrsta mučenja korišćen je Upitnik o vrstama mučenja sa 81 stavkom. Za procenu karaktera i intenziteta psiholoških tegoba korišćena je skala provere simptoma-revidirana verzija (SCL-90-R), a za procenu posttraumatske simptomatologije korišćena je Skala uticaja (traumatskog) događaja - IES. Rezultati. Ustanovljena je međupolna razlika prema tipu pretrpljenog mučenja kod 33 vrste torture; 28 su bili češće zastupljeni kod osoba muškog pola, a 5 kod osoba ženskog pola. Faktorska analiza pokazala je postojanje tri faktora koja objašnjavaju 29% ukupne varijanse i protumačeni su kao 'obična tortura', 'sadistička tortura' i 'seksualna tortura'. Diskriminativna analiza ukazala je na značajno razlikovanje među polovima s obzirom na dobijene faktore: kod muškaraca bili su značajno češće prisutni 'obična tortura' i 'sadistička tortura', a kod žena 'seksualna tortura'. Analizom SCL-90-R ustanovljeno je da su aktuelne psihološke tegobe značajno veće kod osoba ženskog pola u dimenzijama somatizacije, depresivnosti, anksioznosti, opsesivnosti i interpersonalne senzitivnosti. Generalni skor na IES i skor na supskalama 'nametanja' traumatskih događaja i 'izbegavanja' socijalnih interakcija bio je značajno veći kod žena nego kod muškaraca. Zaključak. Žene izložene ratnoj torturi bile su kraće i ređe izložene mučenju nego muškarci, ali imaju značajnije izražene posttraumatske tegobe i druge psihičke smetnje. Ustanovljene međupolne razlike u odnosu na različite forme torture, pri čemu su žene značajno češće bile izložene 'seksualnoj torturi', a muškarci 'sadističkoj' i 'običnoj' torturi, ne mogu u potpunosti objasniti češću pojavu posttraumatskih psiholoških posledica kod žena. ; Background/Aim. Torture for political reasons is an extreme violence in interpersonal relations resulting in not only acute psychiatric disorders but also very often in very severe and far reaching negative consequences for the overall psychosocial functioning of a victim. The aim of this study was to investigate gender differences in types of torture and psychological consequences in subjects who experienced war torture. Methods. A sample (410 men and 76 women) included clients of 'Centre for rehabilitation of torture victims - IAN, Belgrade' who experienced torture in prisons and concentration camps during civil wars in ex-Yugoslavia 1991-1995 and 1999. Types of Torture Questionnaire with 81 items was used for collecting data about forms of torture. Symptom Checklist 90-Revised (SCL-90- R) was used for assessing type and intensity of psychological symptoms, and Impact of Event Scale (IES) was used to estimate posttraumatic complaints. Results. A gender difference was found for 33 types of torture: 28 more frequent in men, and 5 in women. Factor analysis of torture types revealed three factors explaining 29% of variance: 'common torture', 'sadistic torture', and 'sexual torture'. Discriminant analysis revealed significant gender difference concerning the factors. 'Common torture' and 'sadistic torture' were more prominent in men, and 'sexual torture' was more present in women. Higher scores on depression, anxiety, somatization, interpersonal sensitivity and obsessive-compulsive dimensions on SCL-90-R were found in women. General score and scores of subscales (intrusion and avoidance) on IES were significantly higher in women. Conclusion. Women exposed to war torture experienced less torture techniques and shorter imprisonment than men, but had more frequent and severe symptoms of posttraumatic stress disorder and other psychological symptoms. Gender differences in posttraumatic symptomatology can not be explained exclusively by gender differences in types of torture found in this study.

By the end of the nineteenth century, the rise of evolutionary thinking had produced a radical new understanding of life as the underlying connectedness of all living beings. If only the fittest would survive, the problem was no longer about how to differentiate between species, as it had been for the philosophical tradition since Aristotle, but how to articulate differences within a species. This dissertation analyzes the complex relationship between biology, politics and power that emerged in late Victorian literature. I examine the ways in which biological thinking was never limited to biology itself, nor was it a metaphorical technique used to describe social relations or simply a way to transcribe a political discourse into biological terms. I argue that the difference between biology and politics completely collapsed, and that this indistinguishability functioned to expand and justify British colonialism. Inspired by Michel Foucault's work on biopower, I demonstrate and expand his theory of nineteenth century biopolitics as a form of power that takes biological life as both its subject and object through a series of regulatory controls leveraged at entire populations. It is a power characterized not by the threat of death, but its ability to optimize and foster biological life. Reproduction, mortality, life expectancy, and the management of health and disease are just some of the biological processes that fall under the dominion of this disciplinary power, with sexuality emerging as a particularly dense transfer point in the investment of the life of the population. I trace this notion of biopolitics through late Victorian literature - through the novels of Oscar Wilde, Richard Marsh and H. Rider Haggard - in which the investment in thinking biologically about sexuality is clear. Yet my central argument is that biopower cannot operate without empire. The reality of empire and all of the technologies and categories of difference that were central to its expansion and justification - such as gender, race and class - were inextricable with the biopower that took sexuality as its subject and object. Colonialism is not a marginalized technology of nineteenth century biopower; biopower is colonial.My dissertation expands the critical conversation about late Victorian literature beyond the psychoanalytic, postcolonial and new historicist methodologies that have characterized the debates to ask a different set of questions. It was not my methodology that determined the questions, but a set of questions in the texts that suggested the most useful methodology for reading them. I pull insights from multiple fields of knowledge production beyond literature itself - including philosophy, post-colonial theory, anthropology, history, feminist theory, queer theory, and critical science and race studies. Beginning with Wilde, I trace sexuality as a discursive node of biopower that produces the homosexual "as a species." I then link this project of "species-making" to the rise of biological racism that imagined colonial populations quite literally as insects, functioning as a justification for war and "extermination." The final chapter analyzes the ways in which these "new species" provided the material for an imperial bioeconomy. I argue that this bioeconomy operated by imagining life in the colonies as expendable in relation to life in Britain, in order to produce wealth at home and regenerate the nation. These arguments trace a transnational itinerary through the discourses of decadence, degeneration, colonialism and imperialism, moving from and between Europe, Egypt, South America and southern Africa, to look several of the most aggressive components of the nineteenth century science of life: vivisection, mimicry and vaccination. I demonstrate that speaking about biological life simultaneously demands that we speak about the most profound set of differences - between nature and technology, humans and animals, and the differences we make real within our own species world. If categories such as race, sexuality, gender, class and empire mattered so much to the Victorians, they continue to matter now because biological thinking threatens to carry with it the trace of the violence of difference itself.

Objetivo: contribuir a la reflexión sobre los riesgos y las conductas de riesgo de un grupo de niños, niñas y jóvenes trabajadores(as) con el fin de develar en sus realidades y vivencias nuevos significados y sentires que permitan fortalecer su capacidad de autocuidado. Metodología: investigación cualitativa que muestra la necesidad de abordar desde una mirada comprensiva y sentido crítico, las concepciones de calidad de vida y los comportamientos de riesgo desde los niños y niñas trabajadores. Resultados: el comportamiento de riesgo no es sólo una condición exclusiva de niños, niñas y jóvenes trabajadores(as), sino que se relaciona con los contextos y las historias sociales de las que ellos y ellas forman parte. Las familias de estos(as) niños(as) y jóvenes cuentan con débiles mecanismos simbólicos para apoyar y brindar seguridad, afecto y pautas a sus hijos, lo que se traduce en un vacío de cuidado hacia ellos y ellas, que los lleva a construir otros marcos referenciales y comportamientos de riesgo como el uso de drogas o actividades que a su vez conllevan situaciones de violencia como daños y robos a la propiedad privada. También algunos de ellos y ellas construyen sentidos y significados desde su cotidianidad e interrelaciones con los adultos en la casa, la escuela, el trabajo, lo que involucra su propio reconocimientoo subjetividad en cuanto a prácticas de autocuidado relacionadas con la protección del abuso sexual, cuidarse de la influencia de amigos consumidores y protección de los(as) niños(as) más pequeños(as) frente al consumo, sin embargo, por el hecho de autocuidarse no se eliminan los factores de riesgo del entorno (violencia, riesgos laborales) que son prioritariamente consecuencias o que dependen de las condiciones sociales y económicas en las cuales se dan estos factores. Conclusiones: se hace necesario acoger los niños y niñas trabajadores en los ámbitos institucionales y dar respuesta a sus demandas, derechos sociales, culturales y superar aquellos mecanismos de estigmatización y culpabilización por el hecho de trabajar o ser consumidores de sustancias psicoactivas. Se vislumbra la necesidad de fortalecer el capital político y social de las familias y los niños y niñas trabajadores para que puedan asumir un rol activo frente a la defensa y garantía de sus derechos. ; Objective: Contribute to the discussion on risks and risk behaviors of a group of working children and teenagers in order to unveil their realities and experiences, new meanings and feelings that will strengthen their ability to care for themselves. Methodology: A qualitative research that illustrates the need to address from a comprehensively look and critical thinking, the conceptions of quality of life and risk behaviors of children and young workers. Results: Risky behavior is not only an exclusive condition of children and young workers, but it is related to their contexts and social stories. Their families have weak symbolic devices to support and provide security, affection and guidance to their children, resulting in a lack of care, which leads them to create other frames of reference and risk behaviors, such as drug use or activities that result in violent situations, theft and damage to private property. Some of them also construct meanings and significance from their daily lives and relationships with adults at home, school, work, which involve their own recognition or subjectivity in terms of selfcare practices related to protection from sexual abuse, guard against peer pressure regarding drug use, and protecting younger children from consumption. However, self-care does not eliminate surrounding risk factors (violence, occupational hazards) or consequences that are primarily dependent on social and economic conditions that generate said factors. Conclusions: It is necessary to accommodate working children in institutional settings and respond to their demands, social and cultural rights, and overcome the stigma and blame mechanisms for working or being consumers of psychoactive substances. The need to strengthen the political and social capital of families and working children is observed, in order to enable them to take an active role regarding the defense and guarantee of their rights.