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The emergence of postminimalism around 1980 allowed composers to combine minimalist musical techniques with their own distinct compositional approaches. Some composers, including American Julius Eastman and Canadian Ann Southam, exercised a consciousness-raising approach to composition by infusing their postminimalist works with political messages relevant to the gay liberation and feminist movements of the late twentieth century. In the work Gay Guerrilla(1979), Eastman pursued an original compositional approach, which he called 'organic music,' to explore themes of heroism and courage in the work's climax. These musical themes resonated with the post-Stonewall gay liberation movement in the United States, particularly the assassination of Harvey Milk in San Francisco. Additionally, the repetitive processes of Southam's Glass HousesNo. 5 (1981) constitute a highly organised compositional approach wherein the same music is constantly repeated in different contexts. These tight patterns referenced the contemporary genre of 'women's music' by physically resembling patient and cyclic work done by hand – work traditionally completed by women – and by critiquing this collective experience of 'women's work.' By including these political associations in their art, Julius Eastman and Ann Southam created consciousness-raising critiques of contemporary trends of North American social activism. Content Note: This paper discusses violence against the queer and trans community, including an assassination, and also mentions two musical compositions which use a racial slur in their titles.

In this paper we calculate the effects of political variables and Independence on economic growth and educational inequality across the world. Using a dataset with mostly political and a few economic variables, Varieties of Democracy (V-Dem), our goal is to examine if the countries are developed faster during their Independence pe riod. Dealing with a dataset of 136 countries around the world, we examine the period 1789-2018 and our results show that countries indeed developed faster during their Independence period. On the one hand, the level of primary and secondary education, property rights, access to justice and constraints on the executive increased, while on the other hand the level of political corruption index, educational inequality and clien telism relationships lowered. Many countries in our dataset experienced internal and international political conflicts during their attempt to become independence nations. The early years of independence were followed by internal and foreign violence, eco nomic stagnation, political instability and lack of public programs for development. We estimated our results running Fixed Effect and 2SLS models and we are controlling for endogeneity, using the lagged values of all the right-hand-side variables.

This paper attempts to trace green trends in contemporary political activism in Egypt. Taking into consideration the long, deep-rooted history of military rule in the country, it examines the interconnection between the concepts of security and resistance. The paper specifically focuses on post-2011 grassroots, civil and opposition movements in Egypt, arguing that they share and adopt green concerns with nonviolent, comprehensive activism that relate and politicize different forms of environmental, gender, socio-economic, and political violence. In this sense, to fight patriarchy and the militarization and securitization of public spaces and daily activities in Egypt, post-revolutionary activists, feminists, and opposition movements adopt a hybrid green perspective relating to human-environmental equality and wellbeing. They approach the violent practices of successive 21st-century regimes in Egypt, particularly in the post-2011 era, and security apparatuses as one systematic strategy of patriarchy and corruption. Such awareness of the unequal distribution of insecurity and political inclusion offers a deep-level perspective of inequality among Egyptians, their rights, and their environments.

This dissertation examined the experiences and challenges that Title IX coordinators face at small and medium-sized private institutions. Since the Dear Colleague Letter of 2011, the position of Title IX coordinator has changed significantly and the expectations to aggressively address campus violence have increased. Through the use of an online questionnaire and semi-structured interviews with Title IX coordinators, this study explored the specific challenges they face in their positions, especially if they have another full time role at their institution. Furthermore, I explored their paths to this position and what professional experiences they utilize in these roles. Lastly, I determined how they collaborate with the campus community on their campus and other Title IX coordinators on other campuses. I found that Title IX coordinators face great challenges in their roles and because 12 out of 13 in this study had another full time role, these challenges varied greatly. Some of the challenges that the Title IX coordinators face are lack of time, lack of financial resources, difficultly setting up a solid infrastructure, and challenges with the highly emotional topics and decisions. Even though there are a large number of challenges associated with being a Title IX coordinator, I found that collaborations with stakeholders on campus are extremely beneficial to Title IX work. Other sources of support include access to legal council and upper administration, which was largely due to the political capitol they had on their campus. The Title IX coordinators that also held other positions on their campuses noted a lack of intersection of those positions in most cases. The largest lack of intersection between the Title IX coordinator role and their other position was in the area of student interaction. Those that rarely interacted with students on a regular basis found it difficult to relate to students and understand student development. However, there were benefits to the multiple roles for those that did have regular student interaction as well as those that read policy and conducted investigations on a regular basis. This dissertation examined the role of Title IX coordinators and revealed several recommendations for how the position can be improved for those that hold multiple roles on their campuses. Implications for Title IX administrators and recommendations for those charged with addressing sexual misconduct with limited resources and time are also addressed.

Existen sociedades fragmentadas por múlti ples conflictos, cercanas a la guerra de todos contra todos, marcadas por relaciones sociales autoritarias y violentas, con un débil estado nación y una propensión de algunos gobernantes a la criminalidad y al autoritarismo, y la presencia de tiranías fragmentarias (señores de la guerra, guerrillas, y mafias). Semejante ambiente hace en extremo difícil la opción de la noviolencia. Este tema se analiza en seis secciones: 1) planteamiento del problema; 2) discusión sobre la fragmentación y el disenso en la democracia y en la acción colectiva; 3) relación entre acción política noviolenta y democracia; 4) síntesis de la situación en colombia; 5) algunas posibilidades para la acción noviolenta en el país, que resulten apropiadas para luchar contra actores violentos y autoritarios estatales y no estatales. ; Ethere are societies fragmented by multi ple conflicts, close to war of all against all, characterized by authoritative and violent social relations, with a weak state nation and the propensity of some rulers to criminality and authoritarianism, and the presence of fragmentary tyrannies (warlords, guerrilla groups, and mafia). Such environment makes extremely difficult the adoption of nonviolent ways. This topic is analyzed in six sections: 1) proposal of the problem; 2) discussion on fragmentation and dissent in democracy and collective action; 3) relationshi p between non-violent political action and democracy; 4) synthesis of the colombian situation; 5) some possibilities for the non-violent action in the country, ones proving to be adequate for fighting against violent and authoritatian state and non-state actors.

Media outlets and academics often oversimplify and mischaracterize current manifestations of Black mobilization as a movement that opposes police violence against Black men, supports police reform, and desires assimilation and integration into the state. In reality, however, the movement is much more complex. We examine how Black Youth Project 100 (BYP100), a prominent organization in the Movement for Black Lives (M4BL), creates, teaches, and negotiates ideology. Drawing on fieldwork with Black organizers involved in the M4BL, in-depth interviews and conversations with Black organizers, and a content analysis of primary documents from the movement, we find that rather than promote assimilation, Black organizers use intersectional ideology to socialize members into an understanding of a racialized state. This socialization allows members to develop political subjectivity that not only challenges the state but also transforms their everyday lives and relationships.

This work explores the possibilities that the concept of ethical testimony, linked to documentary theatre as a specific form of political dramaturgy, presents to destabilize th e hegemonic discourse on gender-based violence. To do this, we analyze the text and the mise-en-scène of the documentary play, Jauría (The Pack). The work, written by Jordi Casanovas and directed by Miguel del Arco, directly presents to the public the events that occurred in the case of the so-called la Manada (wolfpack) through the transcripts of the trial that took place in 2018 in the High Court of Justice of Navarra. The operationalization of the four dimensions of ethical testimony enable us to investigate the ways in which Jauría is constructed as an ethical narrative of violence through, inter alia, the direct account of the facts and the discursive mechanisms of persuasion, specifically linked to a form of power. Finally, we conclude that the narrative of sexual violence in the paradigm of ethical testimony helps to challenge the dominant narrative about violence by triggering a political response oriented towards social transformation. ; Este trabajo explora las posibilidades que el concepto del testimonio ético, vinculado al teatro documento como forma específica de dramaturgia política, muestra para desestabilizar el discurso hegemónico sobre la violencia de género. Para ello, analizamos el texto y la puesta en escena de la obra de teatro documental, Jauría, escrita por Jordi Casanovas y dirigida por Miguel del Arco, que presenta directamente al público los hechos ocurridos en el caso de la llamada Manada, a través de las transcripciones del juicio que tuvo lugar en 2018 en el Tribunal Superior de Justicia de Navarra. La operacionalización de las cuatro dimensiones del testimonio ético nos servirá para indagar en los modos en los que Jauría se construye como narración ética de la violencia mediante, entre otros, el relato directo de los hechos y los mecanismos discursivos de la persuasión, específicamente vinculada a una forma de poder. Finalmente, concluimos que la narración de la violencia sexual situada en el paradigma del testimonio ético contribuye a desafiar el relato dominante sobre la violencia activando una respuesta política orientada a la transformación social.

The physical, economic, and mental toll caused by violence in the United States has put tremendous pressure on American medical, political, religious, and social institutions. The impact in urban neighborhoods has been especially harrowing, forcing African-American organizations to address this domestic problem with ideas and suggestions unique to their philosophies and collective talents. This article contains general perspectives and commentary from physicians and social science experts who participated in a workshop sponsored by the National Medical Association, the National Institute of Drug Abuse, and the National Institute of Mental Health to discuss topics on violence, its health consequences, and the conduct of research in the African-American community.

Objective: to describe and characterize public policies to combat violence against women in Latin America and its evolution. The methodological approach that is developed is descriptive, the method of documentary analysis was used based on the documentary review of articles from indexed journals such as Scopus and Scielo. The research came to the conclusion that public policies comprise a complex process of understanding and treatment, therefore it is necessary to apply a comprehensive model that takes into account political, cultural, economic and health factors. In order to eradicate violence against women, it is important that all actors and participants collaborate to apply public policies. ; Objetivo: describir y caracterizar las políticas públicas de lucha contra la violencia de la mujer en Latinoamérica y su evolución. El enfoque metodológico que se desarrolla es el descriptivo, se empleó el método de análisis documental en base a la revisión documental de artículos de revistas indexadas como Scopus y Scielo. La investigación llego a la conclusión de que las políticas públicas comprenden un proceso complejo de entendimiento y tratamiento por ello es necesario la aplicación de un modelo integral que contemple factores políticos, culturales, económicos y de salud. Con el propósito de erradicar la violencia contra la mujer, es importante que para aplicar políticas públicas todos los actores y participantes colaboren.

Media coverage of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict does not necessarily enhance one's knowledge or understanding of the Palestinians; on the contrary they are often reduced to either victims or perpetrators. Similarly, while many academic studies devote considerable effort to analyzing the political situation in the occupied territories, there have been few sophisticated case studies of Palestinian refugees living under Israeli rule. An ethnographic study of Palestinian refugees in Dheisheh refugee camp, Occupied Lives looks closely at the attempts of the camp inhabitants to survive and bounce back from the profound effects of political violence and Israeli military occupation.

This article examines the memory of the Red and White Terrors as they relate to public monuments after the collapse of state socialism. It shows how the memory of political violence has been exploited and instrumentalized by various actors to achieve political and cultural ends, and the role of civic organizations and private individuals in keeping the memory of these two key events in Hungarian history alive. Finally, the article discusses the commoditization of memory and memory practices in the last fifteen years, and the role of the Red and White Terror in identity politics.

AbstractThis paper analyses land occupation involving landless peasants in Brazil for the period 2000–2008. It is the first study to be undertaken at the national level, with a contemporary data span, using spatial analysis. Land occupation in Brazil is a state‐based phenomenon and mainly a political issue. Our results show that land occupation grows with left‐wing political violence and left‐wing government's support through public agencies. The view that land invasion is caused by poverty does not apply to the Brazilian case. Copyright © 2012 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

South Africa's democratic settlement is generally viewed as a particularly successful transition from authoritarian government. The settlement in 1994 did bring political violence to an end and it established new institutions which have now been in place for nearly two decades. This success was partly the outcome of fortuitous conditions – of good luck, even. But it was also the product of the skills, capacities and predispositions that the main parties in the settlement brought to the negotiations. This paper will explore the developments and processes that helped South African peacemaking. Subsequently it will address political progress since the transition. ; N/A

Discusses findings from the second annual Failed States Index for 2005, which uses 12 social, economic, political, and military indicators to illustrate the phenomenon of state instability to rank 148 states in order of their vulnerability to internal political violence and social dysfunction. Here, the top 60 failed, failing, and borderline states are listed. It is asserted that symptoms of state failure can appear anywhere; eg, Hurricane Katrina exposed huge problems in the US disaster preparedness and relief apparatus. Attention is given to the impact of demographic factors, corruption, democracy, and regional relations.