Search results

Der Beitrag über die politische Korruption in Polen gliedert sich in zwei Untersuchungsgegenstände: Die erste Studie befasst sich mit den Ursprüngen der Korruption im post-kommunistischen Polen. Dabei gliedern sich die Ausführungen bzw. das Datenmaterial von 1991 bis 2004 in folgende Punkte zum aktuellen Ausmaß der Korruption: (1) Indikatoren der Korruption - Wahrnehmung, Korruptionspraktiken, strukturelle Korruption; (2) korruptionsfördernde Faktoren - Privatisierungstempo, Handhabung des öffentlichen Beschaffungswesens, Rolle des Geheimdienstes im polnischen Transformationsprozess. Die zweite Studie beleuchtet in einer Fallstudie den Klientelismus in der schlesischen Bergbauindustrie seit Beginn des Transformationsprozesses 1990 bis 2003. Die Befunde basieren auf Netzwerkanalysen, Befragungen sowie Inhaltsanalysen von Wirtschaftsprogrammen zur Restrukturierung dieses Industriezweiges, Artikeln und Inspektionsberichten. Nach einer Darstellung der Organisationsstruktur der Bergbauindustrie werden die Untersuchungsergebnisse in Angaben (1) zum Massenklientelismus im Kontext der Beschäftigungssituation der Bergleute und (2) zum individuellen Klientelismus bzw. Vetternwirtschaft (zusätzliche Einkommensquellen durch die Verbindung der Bergbaugesellschaften zu der Privatwirtschaft) unterteilt. Ferner werden Ausprägung und Ausmaß des Klientelismus anhand der 'Umdrehungen des Positionenkarussells' verdeutlicht, also dem Netzwerk der Machtzirkel in Bergbau und Politik. Abschließend werden in einer Zusammenfassung die Hauptgründe und Konsequenzen für das Auftreten von Netzwerken mit klientelistischen Verbindungen im Bergbau genannt. (ICG2)

Political corruption represents a specific type of public-to-public corruption which implies that one participant of corrupt transaction belongs on the State and the other to the private sector: in fact, public corruption is a particular (and, illegal) State-society relationship. Political corruption occurs when politicians, who are delegated to make laws and enforce them by the citizens, act themselves in a corrupt way. More precisely, it appears when policymakers exploit their political strength to pursue their own economic benefits and/or maintain their powerful position.

Introduction -- 1. Where in the world is corruption most prevalent? / Esteban Ortiz-Ospina and Max Roser -- 2. The founding fathers were corruption fighters / John Joseph Wallis -- 3. Modern-day politics and the abuse of the public trust / Voice of America -- 4. The search for the most corrupt state in the US / Oguzhan Dincer and Michael Johnston -- 5. When is a gift a bribe? / Judy Nadler and Miriam Schulman -- 6. Those with the wealth also have the power / G. William Domhoff -- 7. Wealth inequality data is nonsense / Scott Sumner -- 8. Unleashed campaign spending thanks to Citizens United / Gary Beckner and Richard Posner -- 9. How Citizens United changed the rules of the game / Represent.Us -- 10. Comments on the deeply flawed US electoral system / Andrew Gumbel -- 11. Corruption even worse since the 2016 election / Transparency International -- 12. The roles of fear and relief in fighting corruption / Jermyn Brooks -- 13. Curbing corruption with transparency, tchnology, and more / Augusto Lopez-Claros -- 14. Social media and youth activists in anti-corruption campaigns / Mariana Ceratti -- 15. What could stop corruption in America? / Represent.Us -- Organizations to contact -- Bibliography -- Index

A specific instance of political corruption in New South Wales, Australia, is engaged to demonstrate the deep-rooted connection between society's understanding of corruption & politics. An analysis of the resignation of Liberal Member of Parliament Tony Metherall & his reappointment in the Liberal-controlled government, during the early 1990s indicates how defining political corruption is problematized by several factors, eg, greater reliance on the norms of local communities or extant legislation concerning political behavior. It is argued that definitions of corruption are contingent on competing notions of the character of politics. Discussed in conclusion are the relationship between incompetence & corruption, the functional nature of corruption, & the legacy of the Metherall case. J. W. Parker

Criteria for determining whether certain behaviors constitute political corruption are presented, highlighting problems with traditional definitions. Five standards for identifying politically corrupt behavior are identified: a public official is involved; the individual violates public trust; the behavior damages public interest; the official's behavior is motivated by desire for personal or private gain & goes against standards of normal conduct; the act benefits an outside party by granting access to a good or service. In addition, Dennis F. Thompson's (1995) differentiation of individual & institutional corruption is discussed. Analysis of historical & contemporary examples of political corruption from public interest, public office, & market perspectives reveals problems with the aforementioned criteria. Guidelines for distinguishing political corruption from other political behaviors, eg, incompetence, are also provided. J. W. Parker

Examines the nature & evolution of corruption in Japanese politics & argues that the Liberal Democratic Party, 1955-1990, primarily determined the context of modern corruption in Japan. Despite early reductions in the frequency & extent of corruption, the election of the politically skilled Tanaka Kakuei (TK) in 1972 led to a new era of corruption: TK institutionalized & rationalized corruption while implementing a system that demanded money from businesses & special interest groups rather than accepting bribes in return for issue-specific influence. Although TK was implicated in various scandals & forced to resign, his system of kickbacks, favors, & influence allowed him to exercise a great deal of power through the mid-1980s. Further, this institutional corruption system remained dominant until a series of highly publicized scandals catalyzed political reform in the early 1990s. It is concluded that Japan is presently in a state of transition from a boss-patronage to a modern civic-culture-based system. 3 Tables, 2 Photographs, 7 References. Adapted from the source document.