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Prostitution seems to play a key role nowadays in academic and public debates about women's status in complex societies and the ways political discourses take into account sexualities. The aim of this article is to offer a survey of different manners of theorising prostitution. More precisely, it tends to free the subject of prostitution from a field imposed by a totalizing discourse driven by a medical gaze and oversaturated by ethical and dogmatic prejudices and to redeem its theoretical substance. We believe that this dialogue between traditional scholarly discrete disciplines on prostitution might open new perspectives on the democracy's assets and enrich the critical inquiry on gender and politics. Our view on this topic tries to debunk essentialist views inherited from the great narratives built up by political philosophy and bring the subject of prostitution to a critical condition, by exposing the discourses that shaped it.

Throughout the year the controversial legislative elections dominated the political landscape. Huge anti-government demonstrations that called in vain for political alternance. The legislative elections of 20 December 2018, boycotted by the major opposition parties, resulted in an easy victory of the ruling party, however without the expected constitutional amendment majority. Therefore, the prime minister and his cabinet were replaced. The local elections, crucial for democratization at the grass-roots, but postponed time and again since 1987, were again postponed in December 2018 sine die. Economic growth remained stable at about 5% per annum. Public investment in infrastructure (e. g. roads, harbour) and increases in agricultural productivity, notably of export crops, had been the key drivers of economic growth. Moreover, money-laundering, illegal money transfers and trafficking grew alarmingly. Unemployment and lacking political change caused increasing migration.

After more than a decade of dictatorship, Chilean arts were confronted, in 1990, to a democratic framework: the common enemy was gone; or not? In this sense, my investigation seeks to answer to two interdependent questions. Which path did the Chilean state follow so as to grant an artistic institutional framework after authoritarianism? How did Chilean artists perceive this transformation, and how did they regard (report themselves to) the past in their works? Besides this double intention, this article seeks additionally, as its title indicates, to verify the persistence or not of "artistic authoritarian enclaves". I will verify how this formula introduced by Manuel Antonio Garretón gains a different sense if we think about it from the point of view of the relation between art and politics.