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The article is dedicated to contemporary political situation in Lithuania, emphasizing sociopsychological content of the opposition between different political competitors in modern Lithuania. The article emphasizes the role of intelligentsia as the basic group of politicians, its' forms, intentions of their political activity, and, especially, the motive of their "self-importance". This competetive activity has moral "cover", opponents reveal each other, using the fact, that under the cover of popular slogans they satisfy their own needs and values. As a result, a morality occurs a kind of tool in political game. ; Straipsnyje, atsižvelgiant į profesionalios politinės technologijos atsiradimą visuotiniuose rinkimuose, analizuojami šiuolaikiški Lietuvos politiniai papročiai, įskaitant socialinį psichologinį politinės kovos turinį. Šiomis sąlygomis sąmoningas anoniminės rinkėjų masės "politinis pasirinkimas" įgauna naują prasmę. Èia nagrinėjamos inteligentijos, sudarančios pagrindinį politikų korpusą, politinio aktyvumo formos bei motyvacijos. Politinių konkurentų kova dėl valdžios dažniausiai turi moralinius "rūbus". Oponentai kaltina vieni kitus, kad jų konkurentai į pirmą vietą iškelia privačius savanaudiškus, o ne visuomeninius, interesus. Galiausiai moralė tampa "preke" politinėje rinkoje.

The article is dedicated to contemporary political situation in Lithuania, emphasizing sociopsychological content of the opposition between different political competitors in modern Lithuania.
The article emphasizes the role of intelligentsia as the basic group of politicians, its' forms, intentions of their political activity, and, especially, the motive of their "self-importance". This competetive activity has moral "cover", opponents reveal each other, using the fact, that under the cover of popular slogans they satisfy their own needs and values. As a result, a morality occurs a kind of tool in political game.

This article deals with the EU Structural and Regional Policies and their financing mechanisms in the EU Member States and Lithuania, as one of the Candidate Countires. Although EU is one of the most prosperous regions in the world, disparities between countries and regions remain visible. To address existing socio-economic disparities between regions, the EU has adopted its structural and regional policies, which, based on financial solidarity of its Member States, aim to promote competitiveness and employment by helping regions to generate sustainable development and adapt to new conditions on the labour market and to global competition. The EU has at its disposal Structural Funds through which it channels financial assistance: the European Regional Development Fund, the European Social Fund, the European Agricultural Guidance and Guarantee Fund and the Financial Instrument for Fisheries Guidance. Support channelled through these funds amount to one third of the European Union' Budget. In addition, support to four least prosperous Member States infrastructure development is being provided through the Cohesion Fund. The article makes an overview of the main principles of the operation of the Structural Funds and their role in economic development of Member States. The article also deals with three pre-accession instruments: SAPARD, ISPA and Economic and Social Cohesion, which correspond to the main areas of assistance provided through the Structural Funds and imply operational aspects similar to those used by the Structural Funds. In addition, the Article draws conclusions On the effectiveness of structural assistance in the previous years, which may be useful to consider while making transfers to Lithuania under pre-accession instruments and subsequently while programming and receiving transfers through the Structural Funds. The article also draws lessons from the management of Structural Funds and pre-accession facilities for the application in the management of public finances of Lithuania. ; Beveik nekyla abejonių, kad Lietuva jau 2004 metais taps Europos Sąjungos nare. Narystė, kuriai aktyviai rengiamasi, reikš, jog Europos Sąjungos teisės aktai taps privalomi ir mūsų šalyje. Lietuva, tapusi Europos Sąjungos nare, įgys ne tik prievolių, bet ir teisę naudotis ES biudžieto lėšomis, kurios yra perskirstomos mažiau išsivysčiusioms narėms arba regionams ir yra skirtos paspartinti ekonominį ir socialinį jų augimą. Pagrindinė šių lėšų dalis yra struktūriniai fondai, iš kurių yra finansuojamos regioninės ir struktūrinės programos Airijoje, Graikijoje, Ispanijoje, Portugalijoje, Pietų Italijoje, Rytų Vokietijoje ir kitose šalyse. Šio straipsnio tikslas-panagrinėti Europos Sąjungos regioninės-struktūrinės paramos politiką ir finansavimo šaltinius. Ypač dėmesys yra kreipiamas struktūrinių fondų paskirstymo mechanizmo analizei, kadangi jo pagrindai gali būti panaudoti kuriant efektyvų valstybės lėšų paskirstymo ir kontrolės mechanizmą.

The paper deals with the specific features of the construction of an international identity by the EU & Lithuania. We do this by comparing the narrative of "Normative Power Europe" to that of "Lithuania, the regional center." The term "Normative Power Europe," though in use for some two years, still has no clear-cut place in the studies of European integration. So in the paper we first try to explicate its content by drawing a contrast with the more familiar concept of "civil power." We show that the term is an attempt at a new conceptualization of a problem that has been on the agenda of constructivist international relations studies for some time already, namely, that of the power of ideas in international politics. "Normative Power Europe" is defined as a discursive practice, as a narrative shaping the EU as a unique political institution which, by realizing itself via free exchange of ideas & opinions, is capable of changing the "normalcy" perception in international relations. In the EU political discourse the identity of EU as a normative power is constructed via the contrast of EU/USA politics, with America conceived as Europe's "Other." Next, in analyzing Lithuania's foreign politics in the context of the EU New Neighborhood Policy, we draw the parallels in the narratives made use of in constructing the identities of EU & Lithuania. A brief examination of the narrative "Lithuania, the regional center" shows its similarity to the narrative of "Normative Power Europe." First, the "Normative Power Europe" & the "Lithuania, the regional center" are both discursive constructions of their international identity. Second, both narratives are promoting a normative model, based on similar values & principles. Third, in both narratives regionalization is held a major instrument in spreading the values conducive to the creation of a common identity. Finally, both narratives perceive the common regional identity as a major security guarantee. The conclusion is that the narrative of "Lithuania, the regional center" is merely a nationalist replica of the "Normative Power Europe," with some peculiarities to be explained by differences in historical context & Lithuania's specifics in domestic politics. These are mainly due to Lithuania's attempt at reconciling her nation state identity & the ambitions of an active actor of the EU Common Foreign & Security Policy. Adapted from the source document.

Theatre by its definition is a communal and social institution, representing as well as establishing certain socio-political functions. However, at the end of the 20th century there was a real sense, that "political theatre" as a form was thought to be dying (not to mention the notorious nature of the term political theatre in post-soviet space), and the ambition of theatre as cultural practise that inspires social change or at least some kind of active reflection was corrupt. As contemporary culture aspires to the condition of theatre and "society of spectacle," a lot of differences, especially those between theatre and reality, entertainment or social action, are constantly blurred, the meanings and locations of political need to be retraced and redrawn. When the real live dramas are staged on a daily basis it ofen seems irrelevant, even disrespectful or impossible to engage in the luxury of making theatre. If we agree, however, that personal is the political, we must note that quite a number of theatre artists declare that to engage with theatre today means to take a position which is inherently oppositional or political and doesn't need any further articulation. There is anger and sense of unarticulated frustration underlying many Lithuanian theatre productions, and that it can be read as a statement about the context in which politics and theatre might be currently played out. Therefore, the notion of political should not be so easily rejected as outdated or obsolete. [to full text]

Theatre by its definition is a communal and social institution, representing as well as establishing certain socio-political functions. However, at the end of the 20th century there was a real sense, that "political theatre" as a form was thought to be dying (not to mention the notorious nature of the term political theatre in post-soviet space), and the ambition of theatre as cultural practise that inspires social change or at least some kind of active reflection was corrupt. As contemporary culture aspires to the condition of theatre and "society of spectacle," a lot of differences, especially those between theatre and reality, entertainment or social action, are constantly blurred, the meanings and locations of political need to be retraced and redrawn. When the real live dramas are staged on a daily basis it ofen seems irrelevant, even disrespectful or impossible to engage in the luxury of making theatre. If we agree, however, that personal is the political, we must note that quite a number of theatre artists declare that to engage with theatre today means to take a position which is inherently oppositional or political and doesn't need any further articulation. There is anger and sense of unarticulated frustration underlying many Lithuanian theatre productions, and that it can be read as a statement about the context in which politics and theatre might be currently played out. Therefore, the notion of political should not be so easily rejected as outdated or obsolete. [to full text]

Theatre by its definition is a communal and social institution, representing as well as establishing certain socio-political functions. However, at the end of the 20th century there was a real sense, that "political theatre" as a form was thought to be dying (not to mention the notorious nature of the term political theatre in post-soviet space), and the ambition of theatre as cultural practise that inspires social change or at least some kind of active reflection was corrupt. As contemporary culture aspires to the condition of theatre and "society of spectacle," a lot of differences, especially those between theatre and reality, entertainment or social action, are constantly blurred, the meanings and locations of political need to be retraced and redrawn. When the real live dramas are staged on a daily basis it ofen seems irrelevant, even disrespectful or impossible to engage in the luxury of making theatre. If we agree, however, that personal is the political, we must note that quite a number of theatre artists declare that to engage with theatre today means to take a position which is inherently oppositional or political and doesn't need any further articulation. There is anger and sense of unarticulated frustration underlying many Lithuanian theatre productions, and that it can be read as a statement about the context in which politics and theatre might be currently played out. Therefore, the notion of political should not be so easily rejected as outdated or obsolete. [to full text]

On the basis of qualitative research (over 20 semistructured interviews) study concerning interrelations between women's career and political environment, political-cultural norms as well as organizational situations and factors has been carried out. The main assumption is that career associates a person and the public sphere, reflects personal self-realization in society, community (career here is understood as personal trajectory to socially important positions in the decision making structure). Politics is analyzed through three axes. First, politics is a social game of legitimacy, influence, and authority. Second, politics is a concrete set of instruments (laws, regulations, unwritten rules, etc.) operating in a society in order to solve conflicts and to secure functioning of communal life. Third, politics is a structure of influences and value orientations in a close personal environment that is always vibrant, dynamic and open. Such politics means efforts, intentions and orientations of a concrete person to self-realize and to consolidate personal position in any concrete environment. In the present study life histories and stories of women from the middle class in the post-soviet Lithuania are being analyzed with an attempt to recognize how they operate in their environment and what are peculiar "feminine" political moves. Recommendations how it could be possible to change the existing situation into more career women favorable direction are provided at the end of the text. ; Kokybinio tyrimo pagrindu (daugiau negu 20 pusiau struktūruotų interviu) atliktoje studijoje gilinamasi į moters karjeros ir politinės aplinkos, politinių-kultūrinių normų bei organizacinių situacijų ir veiksnių tarpusavio sąryšius. Pagrindinė sąvoka - karjera - sieja asmenį su viešąja sfera, išreiškia asmens savirealizaciją visuomenėje, bendruomenėje (karjera čia suvokiama kaip asmens trajektorija į socialiai reikšmingą poziciją visuomenės sprendimų priėmimo struktūroje). Politika nagrinėjama pasitelkus trejetą pjūvių. Pirma, politika kaip galios, teisėtumo/neteisėtumo, autoritetingumo, įtakingumo ir t.t. žaidimas visuomenėje. Antra, politika – tai konkreti sąranga, veikianti visuomenėje ir pateikianti vienokius ar kitokius instrumentus (įstatymus, potvarkius, nerašytas tradicijas ir pan.) konfliktams reguliuoti ir visuomenės funkcionavimui garantuoti. Trečia, politika – tai įtakų, vertybinių orientacijų asmens artimoje socialinėje aplinkoje struktūra, kuri dėl savo politiškumo esmės yra gyva, dinamiška ir atvira. Tokia politika iš esmės reiškia konkretaus asmens įsitvirtinimo ir savirealizacijos konkrečiomis aplinkybėmis pastangas, užmojus, orientyrus, aplinkybes. Pateikiamoje studijoje minimais aspektais nagrinėjamos posovietinės Lietuvos viduriniosios klasės moterų gyvenimo istorijos ir pasakojimai, atkreipiant dėmesį į tokių moterų veikimą savo aplinkoje ir atpažįstant savitą "moteriškų" politinių judesių repertuarą. Pateikiamos rekomendacijos, kaip būtų įmanoma keisti esamą situaciją moters karjerai palankesne kryptimi.