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Lists the major officials of the Walloon & the French Community governments, 1981-2000.

The organizational & formal structures of Belgium's francophone political parties are elucidated. For each party, the main conventions held in 1998 & 1999 are listed; subsequently, the composition & organization of the main party committee, the party bureau, & the main executive offices including dispute agencies are described. The party structure is explained; main representatives are listed; & membership numbers, party publications, & recent electoral results are presented. The following parties are discussed: Parti Socialiste, Parti Reformateur Liberal, the environmentalist party Ecolo, & Parti Social Chretien. S. Paul

Confronted with acute SE problems, the Socialist & the Christian Democratic trade unions in 1976 strengthened their "Common Trade Unions" Front' (with about 2 million members out of a total of 2,300,000 wage- & salary-earners in Belgium) in view of negotiating with employers & with the government, for which the trade unions have submitted a common platform. This common front has antecedents on the local, regional, & professional levels, but has never been & never will be of a permanent nature. This is due as much to historical, as to ideological causes. The principle of class struggle is basic to the socialist union, & christian doctrine is basic to the Christian Democrat concept. The two unions are imbalanced in their linguistic division. Socialists dominate the French-speaking South, while the Christians dominate the Flemish-speaking North. Each confederation wants to maintain its identity. From the employer's view (& to some extent completely independent from the trade union's common front) representatives of employer's organizations have launched the idea that a new & comprehensive "social contract" should be negotiated. The Christian Democratic Union favors such a pact, but since the socialist trade union rejects this idea--which would lead to a further integration in the capitalist system--the probability for such a pact to be realized at present is rather low. Modified HA.

This article provides an overview and a broad comparison of the development of party membership in European democracies and discusses the implications of the decline in party membership for our understanding of party organization and party democracy. Our study provides an update of reporting by Mair and Van Rush (2001), which followed the study of Katz, Mair et al. (1992). The analysis covers the period from the late 1980s until the end of the first decade of the twenty-first century. The number of countries that is included is expanded (to 27), so our study now includes almost all European democracies, including the long-established democracies in Western Europe, the more recent democracies in Southern Europe as well as post-communist Central and Eastern Europe. The data we present are based on direct, individual membership figures as reported by the parties (in the article we show, moreover, that there is a strong correlation with the data come from survey research exists, however disadvantage of the survey data is that this level of party membership systematically overestimate). We analyze both the level of party membership expressed in raw numbers (M) and the party membership as a percentage of the electorate (M / E), an indicator that is more suitable for transnational comparisons. Adapted from the source document.