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The education is one of the most important sectors in every country in the world. In the framework of higher education, the courses about European Union take more and more importance. This paper put the accent on the transmission of the idea of European unity in the European universities. It also tries to establish the position of European studies in the curricula.

This chapter concentrates on institutional differences in France and Germany. The stability of the German institutional setting contrasts with the series of institutional reforms that have stretched over decades or even half a century in France. While in Germany transformation has taken the form of successive adaptations, in France the diverse reforms have been hotly debated and sometimes even contested. Often the metropolises and regions form the focus of such discussions in France. These contrasts between stability and change can also be seen in both spatial planning systems and the position of the highest level of territorial authority (régions in France and Länder in Germany). Starting from the national policy guidelines in both countries, the authors describe different territorial units, their areas of responsibility and their manifold planning instruments. They also address processes of democratisation, participation and metropolisation, the role of the European Union and various crises as drivers of the development of both systems.

"The end of the First World War opened up new ways towards the economic modernisation of East-Central European states, albeit the setbacks they experienced at the time proved to be major. The disparities between East and West were chiefly noticeable in Romania, whose figures regarding industrialisation exhibited a situation that was inferior even to that of certain countries in the region. The process of modernisation of the Romanian economy was decisively influenced by foreign capital, originating mostly from France, which gave rise to - the most prominent industrial branches." (publisher's description)

Chartism is considered as one of the first radical social movement of massive character in the nineteenth century Europe. Despite the fact that the movement lasted only several years it had a great influence on the political history of Great Britain, not only in the nineteenth century. The aim of this article is to present the history of the Chartist movement from the point of view of the social transformations observed in Great Britain during thirties and forties of the 19th century.

An overview of the liberation of colonized countries around the world in the 19th & 20th centuries traces the succession of European to US hegemony, examines postcolonial relations in Afro-Asiatic countries since the 1950s/1960s, looks at the rise in militarism in sub-Saharan Africa, & discusses Third World industrial armies & the importation of immigrant workers into European countries such as France & GB. It is argued that decolonization has led not to independence, but to economic hegemony, a situation in which the industrialized nations remain in control. Given the overlapping interests of various multinational companies, the term multinational imperialism is thought to best describe the postcolonial global situation. 3 References. C. Brennan

Compares responses to the events of 11 September 2001 to Michel Houellebecq's novel, Extension du dumaine de la lutte, which describes a fictional people that destroy each other's livelihood. The focus is on the spread of mass fear & how 9/11 has reinforced the link between security & international migration, & led countries of North America & Western Europe to strengthen both border controls & the internal control of non-citizens. It is argued that the "securitization" of international migration in the West has resulted in a "clash of civilizations" that has reinforced cultural stereotypes. The historical evolution of migration as a security issue is traced & the migration-security nexus is explored as "an instance of symbolic politics viz. meta-politics in particular." Other issues discussed include the consequences of securitizing international migration; the need to include the study of the metapolitics of migration; & the importance of increasing awareness of both the import/export of conflicts through international migration & positive elements of immigration in order to remove fantasies about migrants as security threats. J. Lindroth

This article analyses the image of the three abrahamic religions in the recent political programs of the French Front National (2012 and 2017) in a comparative perspective with other successful populist radical right-wing parties in EU-Countries of continental Western and Northern Europe. It will be shown that even if there is a common tendency of representing Islam negatively and avoiding overt antisemitism, there are differences with regard to Judaism and/or Israel as well as to the weight of Christianity for the national and/or European culture, which have interesting parallels with the national discourse traditions and the particular radical right-wing history of these parties.

Over the past thirty years, new forms and mechanisms of governance have multiplied in the border regions of Europe. The French-German border has seemed to distinguish itself as an early adopter of new cooperation frameworks, often instigated by developments on the European level on the one hand and by bilateral national cooperation on the other hand. This paper delivers an analysis of French and German policies for territorial cooperation, and of the evolution of cross-border cooperation between the two countries. Taking the example of the Greater Region and the Upper-Rhine Region, we scrutinise two different representations of cross-border institutionalisation in-depth. We then discuss the renewed prospects for border regions stemming from the bilateral French-German Aachen Treaty. Following this analysis, we make use of three conceptual lenses - multi-level governance, soft spaces and interterritoriality - to reflect on the evolution of territorial cooperation across this border. In conclusion, our reflections on the French-German situation inspire recommendations for a next phase in the development of European cross-border cooperation.

Quite apart from the diversity of situations in small and medium-sized towns, stabilising their town centres is a major challenge. In both countries, town centres have been weakened by commercial changes, a decline in the supply of services and transformations in lifestyles. They are characterised by an increase in vacancy rates, which accelerates a spiralling loss of attractiveness and atmosphere of neglect. Since the beginning of the 2000s, this challenge has been central in the public debate. In both countries, urban renewal has been a key element of this revitalisation policy. However, although the context of public action is rather similar in France and Germany, the modes of governance differ. In France the administrative municipal system continues to provide a narrow and fixed framework despite recent territorial reforms that favour the intermunicipal level. In addition, cooperation, communication and participation of local actors from business and civil society are more firmly anchored in social and political practice in German small and medium-sized towns.

Examines a developing theory of socialism, distinct from the former real socialism, that can improve current global socioeconomic trends. It is argued that both capitalism & social democracy have failed to adapt to the social & economic needs of the majority working class; Swedish social democracy is used to illustrate. It is concluded that, because the economy is controlled by a central government that is influenced by the source of production, ie, business, the social democratic system is doomed to failure. The proposed system calls for a shift from global to regional production, & from a social marketplace to social corporations, similar to the autonomous structures of cooperatives, rather than a social marketplace. Several proposals for the control of capital are discussed, & criticisms that the new socialism will not permit risk taking are countered. Finally, it is noted that this change in social order will not be an abrupt one, but rather, a gentler, grassroots transformation. 2 References. T. Rosenberg