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'As the euphoria fades from the Jokowi presidency, this timely book reviews the processes that brought him to the top, and the processes that have undermined his initial standing. The nineteen articles by ten writers provide views from along the way, starting with a chapter on the Jakarta governor elections from November 2012 and preceding through the key events up to a contemporary assessment in February 2015. Several major clues to the current disillusion are provided in accounts of the legislative elections and the presidential campaigns. Key topics are vote buying, the Islamic factor, economic platforms, pluralism, economic challenges. Max Lane points to deep alienation from politics and the emergence of new unions and a new political arena. The ISEAS team provides a range of events and analyses that will be most useful to all students of current Indonesian politics; clear, concise, insightful.' – David Reeve, Conjoint Associate Professor UNSW, ILTI Academic Coordinator ACICIS.'This book effectively captures the dynamics of Indonesian politics by focusing on the various phenomena surrounding the 2014 elections. It begins this political journey with an analysis of the implementation of local autonomy, and the birth of a leader brave enough to challenge extant political elites. It further explores the application of political culture in campaigns, the shortcomings of elected leaders, and the inadequacy of a state obliged to accommodate various interest groups. Beyond all these, this book proves that the political culture approach remains crucial in investigating Indonesia's political realities.' – Sukardi Rinakit, Political Analyst, Special Staff to President Joko Widodo

In 2014, almost 190 million Indonesian voters participated in the legislative elections in April followed by the presidential elections in July. While Indonesia has arguably made a smooth transition from authoritarianism to democracy since the downfall of Suharto in 1998, many were concerned that the process was in danger of being reversed as the election was a tight race between two stark choices: the former general Prabowo Subianto, who has indicated a preference for a strong presidency and Joko Widodo (Jokowi), governor of Jakarta who had been commended for a series of governance reforms. Though Jokowi eventually emerged as victorious, many challenges lay ahead, most notably political corruption. [Copyright Elsevier Ltd.]

During the 2014 presidential election in Indonesia two diametrically opposed candidates appeared to abide by an informal set of rules whereby neither challenged the other's integrity in public. Privately, however, campaign advisors devised ways to attack their opponents, primarily by using media contacts to spread rumors and allegations. As a result, the 2014 presidential race in the world's third largest democracy was the most negative and polarizing since the fall of Suharto's authoritarian regime in 1998. The Obor Rakyat media scandal, a major political event in 2014 that remains understudied, represented a new manifestation of rumor politics and smear campaigning aimed at President Jokowi, widely hailed as a novel reformist politician because of his relatively clean record and lack of direct association with the Indonesian political establishment. In particular, the Obor Rakyat reports made three serious allegations against Jokowi: that he is a bad Muslim, that he is a puppet president, and that he is in the pocket of Chinese financiers known as cukong. (Crit Asian Stud/GIGA)

The Indonesian parliamentary elections in April 2009 have been characterized as peaceful, free, and fair. All in all, the young democracy has been stabilized. The PD (Partai Demokrat, Democratic Party), the electoral vehicle of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, won with 20.8%. It is mostly secular parties, that is the PD, Golkar (Partai Golongan Karya, Party of Functional Groups) and the PDI-P (Partai Demokrasi Indonesia – Perjuangan, Indonesian Democratic Party – Struggle), which now dominate the party system. Support for the Islamic parties has dwindled; only the Islamist PKS (Partai Keadilan Sejahtera, Prosperous Justice Party) was able to gain slightly. The rapid rise of the PD and two smaller new parties is testimony to the fluidity of the party system. The results corroborate a trend of a weakening of socio-political "streams" ( aliran). This development is due to the increasing personalization and commercialization of politics and the impact of mass media. Moreover, electoral reforms (the introduction of an "open list") seem to have strengthened local politicians vis-à-vis party headquarters in Jakarta.

This research aimed to know the semantic meaning of the 2019 political jargon presidential and vice presidential election. Nowadays both of candidate use the jargon to convey the political program especially to make an opinion in society. Based on the data analysis, it was found out political jargon a both of candidates use connotative and social meaning to influence the public, language rhetoric is very inherent in "Adil makmur" jargon is more explore propaganda that uses poverty sentiment with comparing between rich and poor.Whereas in the political jargon that uses Mr. Jokowi dodo and K.H Mahruf Amin " Bersih, Merakyat, Kerja Nyata" is more offer the program that has been done, and they try to persuade society to support their program that package in the jargon, this jargon use connotative meaning that tries to show the success of government program. Keyword: semantic and political jargon.

In 2014, Indonesia inaugurated as president the former Governor of Jakarta, Joko Widodo, or "Jokowi," raising public expectations for reform especially among people outside the powerful political and business elite circles. It is uncertain to what extent, and how, the new government will achieve his reform agendas. Moreover, a relatively weak economy and declining civil liberties may pose an additional challenge, despite Jokowi's avowed commitment to structural reforms and good governance.

At this time the image of political parties in Indonesia deteriorated because of various problems afflict their cadres in the Parliament and the executive. In order to increase the public's trust, many political parties begin to perform activities of political communication. This research is aimed to discuss and analyze the political communication held by political parties in the election of 2014. In order to analyze the political communication process conducted by the political parties, researchers using the theory of political communication with the indicator: sources (political communicator), political messages, media or political channels, influence or effect of political communication. The method used is qualitative, with primary data sources such as interviews and observations, as well as secondary data such as photo documentation and source literature obtained from other sources. From the research that has been made known that the political parties use the sources of political communication in the form of print media, electronic, outdoor media, and public communication channel group. Associated with the delivery of a political message, that the political parties use multiple channel messages, both textual and non-verbal, where all of the message channel associated with the media or political channels that are used by political parties, namely the print and electronic media. The results of this study also showed that the influence of political communication has been done by the political parties through the mass media are not always able to influence the attitudes or perceptions of society, because it needs to be seen also from the other side that is the perspective and needs of the community. From the results can be concluded that political communication conducted by political parties through a variety of media is no longer always have a dominant effect because audiences are active and independent.

Joko Widodo will end his presidency with an ominous legacy, dynastic building and corruption. Many are concerned a broader erosion of democracy will follow the elections.

AbstractThe purpose of this thesis is to determine the tendency of news content attitude in presenting English news Antaranews.com about 2014 Indonesian presidential election, whether the result is neutral or not. In addition, the purpose of this thesis would also like to know what news topics are the most dominant in the presentation of 2014 Indonesian presidential election in this online media. This study analyzed 59 news about the presidential election during the campaign period that showed by Antaranews.com. This study used a descriptive method. It aims to describe to the reader and reveals a problem, situation, event as it is. This study involved two coders. Based on the analysis, the tendency news content attitude of Antaranews.com favoring the two candidates with the percentage, 36% pro Prabowo-Hatta and 37% pro Jokowi-JK. The most dominant news topic that showed in this Online Media is law and government with a percentage of 28%.AbstrakAnalisis Isi Berita Antaranews.com tentang Pemilihan Presiden tahun 2014. Tujuan dari skripsi ini adalah untuk mengetahui kecenderungan sikap isi berita berbahasa inggris Antaranews.com dalam menyajikan pemberitaan pemilihan presiden indonesia tahun 2014. Apakah hasilnya netral atau tidak. Selain itu, tujuan skripsi ini juga ingin mengetahui topik berita apa yang paling dominan dalam penyajian berita berbahasa inggris terkait Pemilihan Presiden Indonesia tahun 2014 pada media online tersebut. Penelitian ini menganalisis 59 berita tentang pemilihan presiden selama masa kampanye yang di tampilkan oleh Antaranews.com. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode deskriptif yang bertujuan untuk menggambarkan kepada pembaca dan mengungkapkan suatu masalah, keadaan, peristiwa sebagaimana adanya. Penelitian ini melibatkan dua coder. Berdasarkan hasil analisis, kecenderungan sikap isi berita Antaranews.com adalah memihak kepada dua kandidat dengan persentase, 36% pro Prabowo-Hatta dan 37% pro Jokowi-JK. Adapun topik berita yang paling dominan di tampilkan adalah hukum dan pemerintahan dengan ...