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The article is devoted to the current problem of student and youth protest actions that took place in South Africa in 2015-2017. The author shows their influence on the political life of the country. The socioeconomic and ideological reasons for the initiation of the student riots are analyzed. The connection of protests with the general crisis of higher education in South Africa is traced. The study is based on the analysis of the South African print media of recent years. The author analyzes main events and results of the protests that took place in the autumn of 2015, the aggravation of the situation in the sphere of higher education in connection with the student riots in the autumn of 2016, and the unsuccessful attempt to hold the Higher Education National Convention in March 2017. These events became the stages of the movement "Fees must fall" for the abolition of universities fees. The author evaluates the participation of modern youth and student parties and associations in the protests. It is noted that youth and student protests are used by the left and radical parties of the South African political spectrum in the struggle for influence in the country.

The article discusses the evolution of theories of social revolution from the mid-nineteenth to the late twentieth centuries. The author analyzes the basic concepts of theorists and practitioners of the armed revolutionary struggle - from the founder of the classical Communist theory of Karl Marx to the Mexican guerrilla leader Subcomandante Marcos. The author focuses on the analysis of changes in the understanding of the subject ("driving forces") of the left political revolution, as well as the strategy of armed revolutionary struggle. The author comes to the conclusion about the historical evolution of the subject of the revolutionary struggle from major sustainable macro-groups ("classes"), targeted at the armed struggle, to self-born (by the network principle) unstructured protest groups, situational leaders, mild forms of the revolutionary struggle, which minimize the armed violence, though do not eliminate it completely. The author substantiates the conclusion about the absence in the modern protest movement of social forces, able to become the subject of revolution socialist orientation. This increases the danger of dominance of the social protest of extremist nationalist and religious political spectra. The author offers two models of response to this threat: the growing influence of the reigning centre-right conservative parties of Russia; return to center-left positions of the social democratic movement of the countries of the European Union.

Article is dedicated to examination and analysis of the construction of the
information model «social explosion», which corresponds to the newest «colored»
revolutions. The analysis of model makes it possible to see effective approaches to the
initiation of this explosion and by the use of contemporary information
communications as honeycomb connection and the mobile Internet.

The article analyzes the configuration, ideology, program and electorate of two national-populist parties in Poland — "Kukiz'15" and "KORWiN", which showed significant results in the 2015 and 2019 elections and thereby demonstrated society has a demand for change. Further, the possible reasons for the populist success are considered in terms of the increase in the amount of demand because of the socioeconomic situation, the problem of migration and the high volatility of the party system. And from the point of view of increasing the quality of the proposal the article deals with the development of communication channels "party — voter", the use of the Internet in electoral campaigns and adaptation to the policies pursued by the ruling party "Law and Justice" (Prawo i Sprawiedliwosc). The 2015 Polish parliamentary elections were characterized by the successful debut of the right-wing populist and anarchist "Kukiz'15". Nearly a quarter of her voters in 2015 voted for the left-wing populist "Palikot Movement" in 2011, when it debuted in elections and entered parliament. However, ideologically these are diametrically opposite forces. They are related only by aggressive and irreconcilable discourse and, of course, populism. Thus, the success of these parties did not come so much from the ideologies and programs they proposed, but from the fact that in recent years the Polish voter is consciously ready to choose any non-systemic radical alternative protest force, which is expected to be populists, as opposed to the established party establishment.

The research is based on the materials of memoirs about Chernyshevskii and Pisarev. The 'common places' of the memoirs, in which the similarity of the two activists is revealed, are compared. Purpose: to investigate the influence of public reputation on the formation of the memoir image of Chernyshevskii and Pisarev. Aims: to identify the specifics of the formation of the memoir corpus of famous public and literary activists; to justify the presence of an out-of-text model as a source of commonality of the image angle. Other documentary sources were also involved to identify the reasons for the coincidence and discrepancy of the facts. Contradictions were established in both cases. Results and conclusions: it is possible to assume, that in the public consciousness of a certain circle there existed a model for creating the image of an outstanding public activist of the revolutionary movement. Both Chernyshevskii and Pisarev not just matched to this model, — their images were originally put in its ground. The formation of the image model was based on two sources: poetic images of Nekrasov's poems dedicated to Belinskii, Dobrolyubov, Pisarev and Chernyshevskii; relying on the genre of the eulogies at public funerals of the 1860s–1870s and later, that replaced the expression of public protest. The commonality of themes — selfless service to social ideals; genius, sacrificed for the sake of people; early demise from the oppression of the authorities, — brings both sources together. In the memoir image, according to the general model, essentially individual features are combined, emphasizing the generalized properties of an extraordinary personality. The outstanding abilities of both underline a single 'profile' in a special way: the highest intellectual talents, laid on the chancel of struggle. The motive of unrecognition, the contradiction between the expected — true — and the real appearance of a person, demonstrates a great advantage of the fortitude and thought over ordinary human nature.