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In recent times, international and national media have been full of stories about protest movements and tumultuous social upheaval from Tunisia to California. But scholars have not yet fully addressed the connection between these movements and the media and communication channels through which their messages spread. Correcting that imbalance, Mediation and Protest Movements explores the nature of the relationship between protest movements, media representation, and communication strategies and tactics. By covering online and offline contexts, as well as mainstream and alternative media, Mediation and Protest Movements bridges the gap between social-movement theory and media and communication studies, making this an important text for students and scholars of the media and social change

There has been a shift in the last year with respect to the protest trends of the transnational protest movement or the global justice movement. In 2008, the World Social Forum (WSF), which has organized large scale protests rejecting global capitalism all over the global asked its member to stay home & conduct local press conferences as opposed to attend the 2008 World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland. The author argues the WSF move away from centrally coordinated protests signals two new trends within the international protest movement: first, protestors are increasingly defined & united behind what they stand against as opposed to what they strand for; & second, the common rejection a centralized, bureaucratic structure for the international protest movement. Additionally, the article examines similarities & differences between the international protest movement & mainstream nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) & discusses the ways in which international organizations & states respond to trends within the international protest movement. C. Goger

What role has religion played in social protest movements? This important book examines how activists have used religious resources such as liturgy, prayer, song and vestments with a focus on the following global case studies: The mid-twentieth century US civil rights movement. The late twentieth century antiabortion movement in the United States of America. The early twenty-first century water protectors' movement at Standing Rock, North Dakota. Indian independence led by Mohandas Gandhi in the early 1930s. The Polish Solidarity movement of the 1980s. The South African anti-apartheid movement of the 1980s and 1990s. Prayer as a sacred act is usually associated with piety and pacifism; however, it can be argued that those who pray in public while protesting are more likely to encounter violence. Drawing on journalistic accounts, participant reflections, and secondary literature, Religion and Social Protest Movements offers both historical and theoretical perspectives on the persistent correlation of the use of public prayer with an increase in conflict and violence. This book is an important read for students and researchers in history and religious studies, and those in related fields such as sociology, African-American studies, and Native American studies.

"What role has religion played in social protest movements? This important book examines how activists have used religious resources such as liturgy, prayer, song and vestments with a focus on the following global case studies: The mid-twentieth century US civil rights movement in the United States of America; the late twentieth century anti-abortion movement in the United States of America; the early twenty first century water protectors' movement at Standing Rock, North Dakota; Indian independence led by Mohandas Gandhi in the early 1930s; the Polish solidarity movement of the 1980s; the South African anti-apartheid movement of the 1980s and 1990s. Prayer as a sacred act is usually associated with piety and pacifism, however it can be argued that those who pray in public while protesting are more likely to encounter violence. Drawing on journalistic accounts, participant reflections, and secondary literature, Religion and Social Protest Movements offers both historical and theoretical perspectives on the persistent correlation of the use public prayer with an increase in conflict and violence. This book is an important read for students and researchers in history and religious studies, and those in related fields such as sociology, African-American studies, and Native American studies"--

At the intersection of 2 broad & potent forces-Black revolt & student revolt-the Howard U student protest movement erupted in Spr 1968 in a student sit-in at the administration Building & a closing of this predominantly black Sch. On the day classes resumed after the settlement, 1's were admin'ed to a large representative sample of Liberal Arts students, soliciting their opinions on all the major issues raised by the protest movement. With regard to each of 18 statements made by movement spokesmen, the students were asked first to indicate whether they were concerned or knowledgeable about the issue, & then to indicate the degree-on a 5-point Likert scale-of their agreement or disagreement with the spokesmen's position. Issues fell into 3 categories: academic grievances, black identity, & tactics of the movement. Ignorance or unconcern were remarkably low, showing a high degree of student awareness & involvement, but there were marked diff's in the degree of support with regard to the 3 categories of issues. Academic issues received conspicuously more support than the Black awareness issue. It appears that at that time the Black militants provided much of the rhetoric & direction of the movement, but broad & essential participation came from large segments of the student body not ideologically committed to the Blacl,,: revolution. New developments a yr after the survey were noted impressionistically. They included the proliferation of the movement into other parts of the campus, including graduate Sch's, & the emphasis primarily on fuller student participation in the content & conduct of the entire academic program. The frame of reference had broadened from the campus to the entire black community & the entire white world. AA.

Protest mobilization and outcome; Political participation; Emotions and social ties; Deportation nation; Refugees; Pro-migrant protest; Anti-migrant protest

"In politics the thing to do is build yourself an army." The remark is attributed to the late Jimmy Hines, a successful Tammany Hall politician of the 1930's. In June, 1945, half way between the Regina Manifesto and the Winnipeg Declaration, the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation, at the head of the largest army in its history, prepared for the reward of virtue and patience—power in Ottawa and Ontario. The problems of building that army and then maintaining it under the adverse conditions following June, 1945, constitute the theme of this paper.In its first decade the C.C.F. had successfully welded a united, national organization out of a federation of parties and groups along a social-democrat and agrarian-protest spectrum. The absence of a New Deal party gave the "movement," as its members still call it, its opportunity. Its central bond was a common hatred of capitalism, allegedly responsible for the depression and its accompanying hardships. It was, however, less than unanimous about the remedy. The Regina Manifesto of 1933, the party's initial declaration of faith and intentions, was framed in the social democratic tradition. "No CCF government," it concluded, "will rest content until it has eradicated capitalism." But no statement of policy could ever avert the inevitable debate on "how far" and "how fast" socialism should be implemented.The topography of C.C.F. beliefs can be roughly charted by identifying its closest friends and mentors and its ideological boundaries on the "right" and "left." Its chief, though not unanimous, favourites have always been the Labour and Social Democratic parties of the Commonwealth, Scandinavia, and especially Great Britain. Its supporters ranged all the way from people who were made uneasy by talk of socialism despite endless assurances, to those drawn enviously to the glamour of revolutionary intrigue and virile, uncompromising militancy which they associated with Communism and Trotskyism. While these 'left wingers" pressed the leaders constantly to declare themselves on the questions of "how far" and "how fast," the great majority entrusted these matters to the leaders and concentrated instead on building the organization.

This open access book deals with contestations "from below" of legal policies and implementation practices in asylum and deportation. Consequently, it covers three types of mobilization: solidarity protests against the deportation of refused asylum seekers, refugee activism campaigning for residence rights and inclusion, and restrictive protests against the reception of asylum seekers. By applying both a longitudinal analysis of protest events and a series of in-depth case studies in three immigration countries, this edited volume provides comparative insights into these three types of movement in Austria, Germany, and Switzerland over a time span of twenty-five years. Embedded in concepts of political change, limited state sovereignty, and migration control, the findings shed light on actors, repertoires, and the effects of protest activities. The contributions illustrate how local contexts, national political settings, issue specifics, and social ties lead to distinctly different forms of protest emergence, dynamics, and strategies. Additionally, they give a profound understanding of the mechanisms and constellations that contribute to protest success, both in terms of preventing deportations of individuals as well as changing policies. In sum, this book constitutes a major contribution to empirically informed theoretical reflections on collective contestation in the fields of refugee studies and social protest movements.

Protest mobilization and outcome; Political participation; Emotions and social ties; Deportation nation; Refugees; Pro-migrant protest; Anti-migrant protest