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Using arguments that borrow from the themes and forms of European disputes, Islam: An American Religion demonstrates how, paradoxically, Islam as built in the United States has become an American religion in a double sense—first through the strategies of recognition adopted by Muslims and second through the formatting of Islam as a faith. In Islam: An American Religion, Nadia Marzouki investigates how Islam has developed a major stake in American politics. Focusing on the period from 2008 to 2013, she revisits the uproar over the construction of mosques, legal disputes around the prohibition of Islamic law and foreign law, and the overseas promotion of religious freedom. She argues that public controversies over Islam in the United States primarily reflects the American public's profound divisions and ambivalence toward the meaning and legitimacy of liberal secular democracy.

This paper, a noncomparative study which without trying to prove that Islam is the best system to follow, argues that in order to understand Islamic provisions on labor rights, one needs to look at original sources, i.e., Quran and Sunnah. The current article explores the possibility of using Islam as the basic source in creation and adoption of labor codes in Muslim world. This article also identifies the role of government in employment relationship through Hisbah institution. By comparing Islamic teachings on labor relations with the current situation in the most Islamic state in the world, we find out that it is not religion which is oppressing the individual and collective rights in the Muslim world, rather, these are the rulers which interpret religion in such a way to legitimize their un‐Islamic rules.

To the shock of the world, the mild‐mannered Swiss have acted the most radically of any European country out of fear of Muslim immigrants by banning minarets. Was this a blow against tolerance, or for it? Is Islam a European religion, or is Europe a Christian club? Meanwhile, as Turkey becomes more confident in its regional power and Muslim identity it is shaking up some old friends.In this section, two of Europe's most prominent Muslim voices, the foreign minister of Sweden and a top Turkish official try to sort it out.

Explores Christian views of and misconceptions regarding Islam since its birth in 622, whether Islam is a natural or revealed religion in the context of Christian theology, and contrasting Muslim, Christian, and Judaic conceptions of man's relationship to God. Draws from the author's book in French "Trois tentations dans l'Eglise", Paris, Perrin, 2002 (ISBN 2-26201-952-5).

Explores how Muslim Americans test the boundaries of American pluralismIn 2004, the al-Islah Islamic Center in Hamtramck, Michigan, set off a contentious controversy when it requested permission to use loudspeakers to broadcast the adhān, or Islamic call to prayer. The issue gained international notoriety when media outlets from around the world flocked to the city to report on what had become a civil battle between religious tolerance and Islamophobic sentiment. The Hamtramck council voted unanimously to allow mosques to broadcast the adhān, making it one of the few US cities to officially permit it through specific legislation.Muslim American City explores how debates over Muslim Americans' use of both public and political space have challenged and ultimately reshaped the boundaries of urban belonging. Drawing on more than ten years of ethnographic research in Hamtramck, which boasts one of the largest concentrations of Muslim residents of any American city, Alisa Perkins shows how the Muslim American population has grown and asserted itself in public life. She explores, for example, the efforts of Muslim American women to maintain gender norms in neighborhoods, mosques, and schools, as well as Muslim Americans' efforts to organize public responses to municipal initiatives. Her in-depth fieldwork incorporates the perspectives of both Muslims and non-Muslims, including Polish Catholics, African American Protestants, and other city residents. Drawing particular attention to Muslim American expressions of religious and cultural identity in civil life—particularly in response to discrimination and stereotyping—Perkins questions the popular assumption that the religiosity of Muslim minorities hinders their capacity for full citizenship in secular societies. She shows how Muslims and non-Muslims have, through their negotiations over the issues over the use of space, together invested Muslim practice with new forms of social capital and challenged nationalist and secularist notions of belonging

Frontmatter -- Contents -- Note on Transliteration -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction -- 1. A Woman- Led Friday Prayer -- 2. Women Leading Prayers -- 3. Gender Justice and Qurʾanic Exegesis -- 4. History, Women's Rights, and Islamic Law -- 5. Authority, Tradition, and Community -- 6. Space, Leadership, and Voice -- 7. Media, Representation(s), Politics -- 8. Memoirs, Narratives, and Marketing -- 9. Covers and Other Matters -- Notes -- Selected Bibliography -- Index

This research is a literature study that discusses and analyzes the relationship between religion and politics from the historical aspect, the development of religion in the political realm as well as the discourse between the two things. Philological analysis is used to determine the extent of the relationship between political theory and religious belief, in this case Islam. The results of the analysis illustrate that religion as the basis for political morals is no longer used as it should, but only becomes a tool to win power. In that context, the people of the State have presented themselves as an organized mass, and they are not aware that a structural crime (made in such a way) has happened to them, they are given little pleasure while others who win the power take more benefits from the State. they. Political violence has actually occurred wrapped in a certain ideology or religion, and its legitimacy has been very well tested, especially if the legitimacy is obtained through instruments under the political democratic system through general elections. General elections become a very significant relationship with the legitimacy of political power.

In this paper I parse Hegel's evaluation of Islam as a "fanatic" religion in his triadic dialectical structure as he applies it to God and religion: Hegel seeks three aspects for his assessment of Islam, namely (1) how the abstract divine concept—God—is conceived, (2) how finite human particularity functions, and (3) if and how the latter reconciles with the former. Hegel argues that in Islam God is a universal divine absolute, but man has no other function than to be a believer and a fearful servant. There is no sublation between God and man—that is, finite humanity is not truly raised to reconcile with the divine infinity. This is Hegel's philosophical way to awkwardly address the untimeliness of Islam: in his teleological history, which moves toward progress from ancient East to modern West, Islam is problematic. As it arrives later than Christianity it can potentially qualify for being more evolved than it, thus challenging the very core of Hegel's philosophy of religion. Finally, I bring two instances of applied Hegelianism: Zizek's idea of Judaism—Christianity—Islam as a progressive dialectic triad in its own right, and John Oliver's hilarious explanation on The Daily Show of Islam's "age" and its current "awkward teenage phase." Hegel would never agree to such interpretations, which is precisely why these expansions of Hegelian thought expose the weakness of his all-encompassing system.