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The radicalism of Thomas Jefferson and Thomas Paine considered / Gordon S. Wood -- "The whole object of the present controversy": the early constitutionalism of Paine and Jefferson / Francis D. Cogliano -- Thomas Paine's early radicalism, 1768-1783 / Jack Fruchtman Jr -- Paine, Jefferson, and revolutionary radicalism in early national America / Simon P. Newman -- Paine, Jefferson, and the modern ideas of democracy and the nation / Armin Mattes -- Thomas Paine and Benjamin Franklin's French circle / Philipp Ziesche -- Revolutionaries in Paris : Paine, Jefferson, and democracy / Mark Philp -- The troubled reception of Thomas Paine in France, Germany, the Netherlands, and Scandinavia / Thomas Munck -- Empire without colonies : Paine, Jefferson, and the Nookta crisis / Edward G. Gray -- Thomas Paine and Jeffersonian America / Emma Macleod -- Thomas Jefferson's portrait of Thomas Paine / Gaye Wilson -- Paths from revolution : Jefferson, Paine, and the radicalization of Enlightenment thought / Michael Zuckert -- Conclusion : Thomas Paine in the Atlantic historical imagination / Seth Cotlar

AbstractThe Cato Street Conspiracy ended in failure, with its five leading radicals executed. This conspiratorial insurrection caught the media's attention, creating a vibrant visual culture of the stable and execution. Arguably, the conspiracy's treason was not directed at the king but rather parliament and government through its aim to assassinate the cabinet. Although usually considered as an end point to Regency radicalism, Cato Street provides the opportunity to explore how radicalism was covered and consumed as part of the growing passion for crime reporting. Using the framework of wound culture, which highlights the centrality of consuming violence in contemporary society, this article demonstrates how the Cato Street stable and execution were fervently consumed through the visual culture generated to disseminate the conspiracy. Here, radicalism, treason and violence collided, demonstrating the passion of the conspirators but also the passion of the public who voraciously devoured the coverage.

Today, the rapid-current post-reformation marked the opening of a very free democratic faucet. This opens the way for the hard flow of religious affairs, this flow that does not conform to the philosophy of the Indonesian nation. The flow was radicalism. The school became one of the target of hard groups on behalf of religions. The school is headed by the headmaster, the school principal is required to use his power to ward off the movement, the importance of the school principal in ward against the flow of radicalism, through its leadership way. This study aims to describe the type of leadership, the design done, the implementation of the school principal and the leadership model of the college principal in the ward against radicalism in SMP Bahrul Maghfiroh Malang. This research uses a qualitative approach. Data retrieval is taken with structured interviews, observation structures, documentation.

The sources of the ideology of Serbian Radicalism were twofold: imported and domestic. The imported (or foreign) influences came in three major waves: 1) European (especially Russian) socialist, anarchist, and populist traditions mainly influencing the group round Svetozar Marković and covering the period described as rudimentary Radicalism; 2) strong influence of the French Radical movement both in terms of political programme and organization; 3) British parliamentary and constitutional theory, fully accepted by the Radicals in Serbia by the late 1880s. The ideas drawn from European political experience needed to be transformed, changed, and adapted to suit the specific Serbian political environment. The internal (or domestic) sources of Radicalism were the specific political circumstances of Serbian society political expressions emerging from the ruler, on the one hand, and from political parties, on the other, fundamentally influenced and modified the Radical ideology.

В данной статье авторы обращаются к рассмотрению современного исламского религиозного радикализма, как этапа развития в миропонимании, присущего и христианству. По мнению авторов, в становлении любой религии прослеживались радикальные тенденции. Утверждается, что религиозный радикализм культивируется в рамках глобальных кризисов, переломов и изменений в обществе. Делается вывод, что религиозный радикализм и в христианстве и в исламе является производной политико-духовных кризисов, независимо от самой религии. ; In this article, the authors refer to the review of modern Islamic religious radicalism as a stage of development of the world view inherent in Christianity. According to the authors, the radical tendencies were traced in the establishment of any religion. It is argued that religious radicalism is cultivated in global crises, fractures and changes in society. It is concluded that religious radicalism in Christianity and Islam is derived from the political and spiritual crises, regardless of the religion itself.

As a religion, Islam provides values, ethics, norms and guidelines, but not a quick panacea, for Islam and democracy in Indonesia. So it is very important for Islamic scholars, leaders and Muslim intelligentsia to make their people be aware and conscious that the fundamentalism, radicalism and violence are the wrong answer at the wrong time to address the problems. Fundamentalism and radicalism with violent face are not the answer to tackle the poverty, social crisis, environmental crisis, global inequities and various multi-dimensional problems in recent years. Islam will be come in handy, useful and meaningful if it can make a real contribution as values, ethics, morals, ideas, thoughts, solutions and philosophy for the communities in addressing the real issues, so that Islam would be menaningful and useful in overcoming radicalism and fundamnetalism. Will Indonesian Islam be capable and credible in dealing with this challenge? It depends on its leader and 'ulamā's.

We present a model of conflict, in which discriminatory government policy or social intolerance is responsive to various forms of ethnic activism, including violence. It is this perceived responsiveness -captured by the probability that the government gives in and accepts a proponed change in ethnic policy- that induces individuals to mobilize in support for their cause. Yet, mobilization is costly and demonstrators have to be compensated accordingly. Individuals have to weigh their ethnic radicalism with their material well-being to determine the size of their money contribution to the cause. Our main results are: (i) a one-sided increase in radicalism or in population size increases conflict; (ii) a one-sided increase in income has ambiguous effects depending on the elasticity of contributions to income; (iii) an increase in within-group inequality increases conflict; and (iv) an increase in the correlation between ethnic radicalism and inequality also increases conflict.

Erratum to 50 Shades of Radicalism: an Analysis of Contemporary Radical Parties in Europe

Abstract
This study explored the influence of parental socialisation, relative to that from crucial dispositions of the offspring and other socialisation agents, on the offspring's intentions to engage in radical protest actions in Hong Kong, a city that has been experiencing periodical socio-political upheavals and generational rifts over politics. A sample of 666 university students, aged eighteen to twenty-five years, from eight universities in Hong Kong completed the survey. Employing hierarchical regression analysis, the results revealed that participation in ritual protests among fathers positively associated with radicalism intentions. With the introduction of a broader group of socialisation agents, however, its effect on the dependent variable became statistically non-significant. Rather, peer influence and media consumption positively associated with radicalism intentions, whilst family discussions about politics negatively associated with such intentions. After including the respondents' political characteristics in the final model, which accounted for the greatest variance in the dependent variable, no variables reflecting influences from the household remained statistically significant. Apart from peer influence and media consumption, the respondents' past histories of activism and radicalism and his/her political sympathies over the self-determination stance positively associated with radicalism intentions. In the light of the findings, implications for future studies and social work practice are discussed.