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En el transcurso de los ultimos veinticinco anos el Peru ha experimentado una transformacion sustancial de su estructua social, que impulso la radicalizacion politica de las clases populares y, muy en especial, de sus jovenes. Durante los anos sesenta las clases populares urbanas experimentaron una cierta movilidad ascendente y un crecimiento de sus expectativas de mejoria de su ocupacion, ingreso, educacion y participacion politica. A partir de mediados de los anos setenta cambia la situacion. Se deterioran las condiciones economicas y persisten los obstaculos a una participacion politica plena. En estas circunstancias la confrontacion violenta se constituye en procedimiento habitual en los conflictos politicos

The results of the 1984 Knesset elections are summarized in seven points, followed by a conclusive discussion: the trend of growing support for the Likud was arrested; the entire "right-wing" bloc lost strength; radicalization among "right-wing" voters; the Alignment was not victorious; the "left-wing" parties maintained their strength; the strength of the religious parties did not increase; absence of a "pivot party". (DÜI-Hns)

This article concerns the military assistance relationship between the United States and Ethiopia, especially during the early years of the Ethiopian revolution, from 1974 to 1977. The interaction between the outbreak of the uprising and American military assistance and the impact of one upon the other are our main concerns. Besides the objective needs of the revolution to reorient Ethiopia's domestic and external politics, other important forces contributed to the abrogation of the U.S.-Ethiopia Mutual Defense Assistance Agreement that had tied the two countries together for nearly three decades. Both the process and substance of the assistance relationship are analyzed-from the moment the Ethiopian armed forces intervened in the unfolding revolution to the time Menghistu Haile Mariam captured the political leadership. Such forces as the radicalization of Ethiopia's domestic politics, the American shift of its assistance policy from grant aid to foreign military cash and credit sales, the Soviet decision to embrace Menghistu, and American perceptions and reactions to the revolution were all important contributary factors to the MDAA's demise. In the face of new political realities in Ethiopia, the assumptions upon which the U.S.-Ethiopia relationship was built could no longer hold.

In the Dialectic of Enlightenment (New York, 1972) Theodor W. Adorno & Max Horkheimer developed a radical critique of civilization; while it is not always clear whether their main concern is with structural constraints & deformations, or with a culturally codified logic of domination, on both readings, the autonomy & efficacy of social relations seem severely reduced. Behind this manifest reductionism, there is an implicit line of reasoning that has some interesting points of contact with recent debates in social theory, especially with the critique of functionalism. It is suggested that Adorno & Horkheimer simultaneously radicalized & relativized the functionalist approach. The radicalization consists of a shift to the anthropological level; the functional circle of self-preservation, anchored in the fundamental relationship between man & nature, encompasses the totality of human life & determines the structures of its specific spheres. However, it also draws on irreducibly transfunctional aspects of the human condition. Two essential components of subjectivity, mimesis & thinking, participate in the universe of self-preservation without being fully absorbed by it. Every structured expression of mimesis & thinking is inextricably bound up with the logic of domination & the acceptance of power as the "principle of all relations." Although the notion of power as a principle of system-building is only outlined in the Dialectic of Enlightenment, the implications are clear enough to cast further doubt on Jurgen Habermas's critique of Adorno & Horkheimer, ie, that they lacked a system-theoretical perspective. Their argument is not a final affirmation of the functional principle: the idea of a process of system formation through the necessarily incomplete & contested subsumption of the human condition under structures of power differs from the mainstream functionalist emphasis on adaptation & self-reproduction. Also, the transfunctional aspect is reintroduced through the cultural -- ie, imaginary -- dimension of the configurations of power. Modified AA