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Gives a detailed account of the decade long conflict in Sweden over the 'Meidner plan' for collective 'wage-earner funds', financed by profits and originally designed to produce far reaching transformations in the ownership and control of enterprises. Explains how in the face of a ferocious campaign funded and orchestrated by capitalist interests, popular support for the plan eventually ebbed and the Social Democratic Party backed away from the radical version of the proposals. Argues that the issues of ownership and control addressed by the 'Meidner plan' will recur in the future and that as part of a wider socialist strategy they would have a pronounced anticapitalist potential. (Abstract amended)

En el transcurso de los ultimos veinticinco anos el Peru ha experimentado una transformacion sustancial de su estructua social, que impulso la radicalizacion politica de las clases populares y, muy en especial, de sus jovenes. Durante los anos sesenta las clases populares urbanas experimentaron una cierta movilidad ascendente y un crecimiento de sus expectativas de mejoria de su ocupacion, ingreso, educacion y participacion politica. A partir de mediados de los anos setenta cambia la situacion. Se deterioran las condiciones economicas y persisten los obstaculos a una participacion politica plena. En estas circunstancias la confrontacion violenta se constituye en procedimiento habitual en los conflictos politicos

Radicalization of youth. Protest against the establishment and its values, against corruption and alienation of the personality; government response.

The argument of this paper is that the emergence of military dictatorships, such as the Brazilian regime of 1964, is not caused by an economic crisis of dependent capitalist development. Rather, it results from a polarization and radicalization of the democratic regime by which it is preceded. Democracies handed down from above, like that in Brazil and other South American countries, favor the emergence of modern forms of autocracy

The results of the 1984 Knesset elections are summarized in seven points, followed by a conclusive discussion: the trend of growing support for the Likud was arrested; the entire "right-wing" bloc lost strength; radicalization among "right-wing" voters; the Alignment was not victorious; the "left-wing" parties maintained their strength; the strength of the religious parties did not increase; absence of a "pivot party". (DÜI-Hns)

The role of women in the prolonged Italian experience of political terrorism is examined using biographical information (obtained from 2 major newspapers & court records) on 451 Fs active in terrorist groups between 1970 & 1984. Results indicate that the participation of women in terrorist activities differed from that of their M counterparts in many ways. Fs were more likely to become involved: (1) at a later chronological age & later in the cycle of terrorist activities, (2) as a result of family/romantic connections rather than prior experience in other political organizations, (3) in groups with different ideological perspectives & social ethos than those that attracted Ms, & (4) less often in leadership activities. It is argued that women's participation in political terrorism was spawned by a general radicalization of political life & the emphasis placed on women's issues by extreme leftist movements. 4 Tables. K. Hyatt

In the Dialectic of Enlightenment (New York, 1972) Theodor W. Adorno & Max Horkheimer developed a radical critique of civilization; while it is not always clear whether their main concern is with structural constraints & deformations, or with a culturally codified logic of domination, on both readings, the autonomy & efficacy of social relations seem severely reduced. Behind this manifest reductionism, there is an implicit line of reasoning that has some interesting points of contact with recent debates in social theory, especially with the critique of functionalism. It is suggested that Adorno & Horkheimer simultaneously radicalized & relativized the functionalist approach. The radicalization consists of a shift to the anthropological level; the functional circle of self-preservation, anchored in the fundamental relationship between man & nature, encompasses the totality of human life & determines the structures of its specific spheres. However, it also draws on irreducibly transfunctional aspects of the human condition. Two essential components of subjectivity, mimesis & thinking, participate in the universe of self-preservation without being fully absorbed by it. Every structured expression of mimesis & thinking is inextricably bound up with the logic of domination & the acceptance of power as the "principle of all relations." Although the notion of power as a principle of system-building is only outlined in the Dialectic of Enlightenment, the implications are clear enough to cast further doubt on Jurgen Habermas's critique of Adorno & Horkheimer, ie, that they lacked a system-theoretical perspective. Their argument is not a final affirmation of the functional principle: the idea of a process of system formation through the necessarily incomplete & contested subsumption of the human condition under structures of power differs from the mainstream functionalist emphasis on adaptation & self-reproduction. Also, the transfunctional aspect is reintroduced through the cultural -- ie, imaginary -- dimension of the configurations of power. Modified AA