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"Civil War and Religion: Salafi-Jihadist Groups" published on by Oxford University Press.

An examination of the New Left protest cycle in the US & Japan from the late 1960s through 1999 focuses on activists who joined the movement during its later militant phase & continued to take part in violent encounters with the state after the cycle had ended. Special attention is given to activist responses to an escalation of state repression & the formation of new mobilizations of resistance. Information was obtained from field research in both countries that included several hundred lengthy interviews; attendance at trial sessions/support group meetings; & a review of documentary materials. In spite of different national conditions in the US & Japan, similar patterns related to the insurgents & their interactions were discovered. It was concluded that the radicalization of a small minority of New Left protestors generated a much longer mobilization of resistance that developed its own structures/strategies & was able to respond to repression with greater resilience. The implications for both activists & the state are discussed. 59 References. J. Lindroth

An examination of the New Left protest cycle in the US & Japan from the late 1960s through 1999 focuses on activists who joined the movement during its later militant phase & continued to take part in violent encounters with the state after the cycle had ended. Special attention is given to activist responses to an escalation of state repression & the formation of new mobilizations of resistance. Information was obtained from field research in both countries that included several hundred lengthy interviews; attendance at trial sessions/support group meetings; & a review of documentary materials. In spite of different national conditions in the US & Japan, similar patterns related to the insurgents & their interactions were discovered. It was concluded that the radicalization of a small minority of New Left protestors generated a much longer mobilization of resistance that developed its own structures/strategies & was able to respond to repression with greater resilience. The implications for both activists & the state are discussed. 59 References. J. Lindroth

The transformation of the Gush Emunim underground movement into a radical terrorist organization is examined. A historical overview of the Gush Emunim's emergence within contemporary Israeli society illustrates the conditions responsible for its formation. The subsequent radicalization of the group throughout the late 1970s is discussed, emphasizing the murder of 6 Israeli students & the group's attack against 5 prominent Arab leaders in May 1980. It is contended that the ideological foundation for Gush Emunim combined messianism & fundamentalism; Gush Emunim leader Yehuda Etzion's theory of active redemption, which advocated the destruction of Harem El Sharif at the Temple Dome in Jerusalem, is examined. It is asserted that Etzion's agenda played a significant role in transforming Gush Emunim's idealism into an idealistic terrorist organization. The group's subsequent transformation into a professional terrorist group is addressed, accentuating the organization's participation in vigilante terrorism. It is concluded that messianic movements that emerge in intranational ethnic conflict are particularly vulnerable to embracing terrorist tactics. J. W. Parker

Contends that Jacques Derrida's Specters of Marx: The State of the Debt, the Work of Mourning, and the New International (1993) is the political project of a "man of the Left." It is suggested that Derrida's Algerian background influences both his association with the antihumanism of Marxism & the institutional nature of deconstruction. Although he claims deconstruction is of no interest except as a radicalization, Derrida must know it has not functioned in any way like radicalized Marxism, but rather as an inferior kind of textual politics at a time when academic leftists needed a new form of dissent. The two sides of deconstruction -- reformist & ultraleftist -- are examined, & notions of deconstructed Marxism are compared to Marxist revisionism. It is suggested that Marxism has become more appealing to Derrida because of its marginality & the unattractiveness of political alternatives, maintaining that he is not concerned with an effective socialism, but angered by liberal-capitalist complacency. Derrida's avoidance of the real historical/theoretical manifestations of Marxism are examined, along with the critical, negative nature of his politics, & the absence of ontology or method within his "New International.". J. Lindroth

Reflects on the politics of deconstruction as presented in Jacque Derrida's Specters of Marx: The State of the Debt, the Work of Mourning, and the New International (1993), arguing that his attempt to reconcile Marxism with deconstruction forsakes all familiar categories of political Marxism & bases the reunion on messianic grounds filled with religious imagery. Specters refers to William Shakespeare's ghost of the dead father, finality of the death of Marxism, & the implication that deconstruction is Karl Marx's heir. The themes of "inheritance" & "mourning" are explored, along with the paradox of "manic triumphalism" over the collapse of communism; deconstruction as a radicalization of Marxism; & motifs of spectrality & debt. It is noted that the paradox related to Derrida's notion of "historicity" affiliated with messianic affirmation debunks all forms of organized politics associated with Marxism. Further, Derrida describes his "New International" in terms of what it is not, rather than what it is, or could be. He restates the methodological individualism & voluntaristic notion of politics common to deconstruction but adds a tone of religious suffering that is contrary to deconstruction's self-affirmation of the past. J. Lindroth

Bis heute wird der theoretische Diskurs dafür verantwortlich gemacht, dass die Proteste der 1968er-Bewegung gegen den Vietnamkrieg zur Unterstützung von Gewalt gegen Sachen und bis zu einem gewissen Grad auch gegen Menschen führten. Der vorliegende Beitrag basiert auf Interviews mit Aktivistinnen und Aktivisten der Anti-Vietnamkrieg-Bewegung. Zunächst wird gefragt, im welchem Ausmaß die biographischen Erfahrungen der Protagonisten zur Radikalisierung der Bewegung Ende der 1960er Jahre beitrugen. Sodann wird untersucht, welchen Einfluss die verschiedenen Aktionsformen der Bewegung auf die Geschlechtsrollen ausübten und in welchem Ausmaß andererseits das Geschlecht der 1968er-Aktivistinnen ihre Aktionen beeinflusste. Der Beitrag hinterfragt die verbreitete Auffassung, dass die Frauen in der 1968er-Bewegung eher dem Pazifismus zuneigten als die Männer. (ICEÜbers). Die Untersuchung bezieht sich auf den Zeitraum 1966 bis 1969.;;;"In the research to date, the theoretical discourse was made responsible for the fact that the protests of the 1968 movement against the Vietnam War led to the support of violence against material objects, and, to a certain degree, even against people. This article is based upon interviews with women (and men) who engaged in the anti-Vietnam War movement. It first considers to what extent protagonists' biographical experiences contributed to the heightened radicalization of the movement toward the end of the 1960s. Second, the article examines how the movement's different forms of action influenced gender roles and, on the other hand, to what extent the gender of women activists of the 1968 movement influenced their actions. It therefore questions the common perception that the women in this movement were generally more inclined to pacifism than the men." (author's abstract).