Suchergebnisse

Badając, jak wzajemne postrzeganie Europy Środkowej i Rosji zmieniało się na tle złożonych relacji między Wschodem a Zachodem, artykuł czerpie z elementów teorii komunikacji i studiów międzykulturowych (C. Gullién, H. Dyserinck, D. H. Pageaux, D. Ďurišin, etc.) znanych jako imagologia. Jako obszar geograficzny kulturowych przecięć, gdzie weszły ze sobą w kontakt niesłowiański Zachód i słowiański Wschód, Europa Środkowa zawsze wyróżniała sięzmienną pozycją przejściowych centrów i peryferii ze specyficzną mieszanką grup etnicznych, kultur, religii i ideologii. Fakt, że leży ona pomiędzy dwoma tak potężnymi narodami, jak Niemcy i Rosja, wywarł fundamentalny wpływ nie tylko na polityczną, ale i estetyczną komunikację pomiędzy narodami słowiańskimi i Zachodem, który często ujmowany był za pomocą mitów, tzn. fikcjonalnych i subiektywnych obrazów służących do interpretowania rzeczywistości. Wzajemne schodzenie się i rozchodzenie Rosji i Zachodu wynikało z różnic religijnych i "rozdarcia" narodów słowiańskich (przede wszystkim Słowian zachodnich), którzy oprócz trzymania się zachodniej religii i reguł politycznych, pielęgnowali niechęć w stosunku do plemiennej wspólnoty z Rosją. Najsilniejsze więzy z Rosją demonstrowały więc małe narody słowiańskie, żyjące w imperium habsburskim, podczas gdy rosyjskie interesy w Europie skierowane były raczej na Niemcy, Francję lub Anglię, a obszar środkowoeuropejski uznano za strefęprzejściową, traktowaną przez carską Rosję lub Związek Radziecki jako siłę polityczną do prowadzenia własnej polityki względem Zachodu. W przeciwieństwie do tego stanowiska, narody środkowoeuropejskie, nie wyłączając z nich Czechów, nawiązywały relacje z Rosją jako inspirującym liderem i symbolem słowiańskiej niezależności, szczególnie w czasach kłopotów, zagrożenia narodowego i politycznej niestabilności. Ich oczekiwania opierały się na powszechnym przekonaniu, że "nieeuropejska" Rosja i jej inność zdemokratyzuje się poprzez podążanie drogąlokalnej tradycji i popieranie czeskich interesów w geopolitycznej konfrontacji z niesłowiańskim Zachodem. Jak się wydaje, relacja pomiędzy Europą Środkową i Rosją pozostanie centrum permanentnej refleksji metakrytycznej nawet na początku XXI wieku i pozostaje mieć nadzieję, że będzie to model harmonijnej współegzystencji, wzajemnego zrozumienia i szacunku. ; While examining mutual perception of Central Europe and Russia as it has changed against the background of the complex East-West relation, the paper employs the motives of the theory of communication and intercultural studies (C. Guillén, H. Dyserinck, D. H. Pageaux, D. Ďurišin, etc.) known as imagology. As a cultural crossroads and geographicalarea where the non-Slavonic West and the Slavonic East come into contact, Central Europe has always featured a changeable position of transitional centres and peripheries with the specific mingling of ethnics, cultures, religions and ideologies. The fact that it is situated between two powerful nations, such as Germany and Russia, has fundamentally influenced not only political but also aesthetical communication between the Slavonic peoples and the West, which has often been maintained through myths, i.e. fictional and subjective images to interpret the reality. The mutual converging or diverging of Russia and the West has resulted from the religious oscillation and "splitting" of Slavonic peoples (namely the West Slavs) who, despite adhering to Western religion and policies, have fostered awareness of tribal affinity with Russia. The strongest ties with Russia were thus maintained by small Slavonic nations living in the Hapsburg Empire, whereas the Russian interest in Europe was rather aimed at Germany, France or England, andCentral European area was deemed to be a zone of transition employed by Tsarist Russia or the Soviet Union as political powers to pursue their goals in the West. In contrast to it, Central European nations, the Czechs not excluding, forged ties with Russia as the inspiring leader and symbol of Slavonic independence, the more so in times of troubles, national danger and political instability. Their expectations were based on the common belief that "non-European" Russia and its otherness would become democratised through following the local tradition and supporting Czech interests in the geopolitical confrontation with the non-Slavonic West. As it seems, the relation between Central Europe and Russia will remain the focus of permanent metacritical discourse even in the early 21st century and one can only cherish hope that it will be a model of harmonious coexistence, mutual understanding and respect.

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In 1926, in "Myśl Narodowa", Aleksander Świętochowski wrote among others: "For almost fifty years my spirit has endured the torture of Russian censorship, suffering torments, and yet I felt less terror then than I do now." Such a comparison of the Russian censorship (foreign) to the Polish one (native), favourable to the former, was seen by many as highly controversial. Was it a valid comparison? Can foreigncensorship be judged according to diff erent criteria than the native one? Which criteriacan one apply to the very phenomenon of censorship in general? The problem of freedom of speech and censorship took up a special place in Świętochowski's literary production: as a writer, publicist, editor and publisher he had to face numerous instances of the restrictions imposed on the freedom of speech. He used to draw attention, not only to the institutional censorship but also to the informal pressure exerted by the clerical and conservative circles. Following the concepts of Jürgen Habermas and Pierre Bourdieu this articleaims to conceptualise the sphere of the freedom of speech presented in the writingsof Aleksander Świętochowski. ; Agnieszka Uziębło

Beyond comparison In this article, the author takes up the issue of the so-called "crisis" of comparative literary studies (Comparative Literature), at the same time trying to outline the presentday condition of the discipline and to point to the objectives which it should attempt to attain today. Beside other detailed problems, the author analyses the threats posed by the hegemonic status of English which has become a specific 'foundational language' in Comparative Literature. However, in the principal part of his analysis, the author tries to go beyond the tendency towards 'unification and totalisation of thought,' which is present in Comparative Studies, by means of a search for 'commensurability' between the elements being compared,, and also beyond the equally popular strategy of 'divisiveness' that consists in continual emphasis on and proliferation of differences. He juxtaposes these two dominant trends with a model of conducting Comparative Literary Studies based on the concept of language of friendship or even love – an idea stemming from the philosophical thought of Lyotard and Badiou. In this approach, reading becomes an 'event of love, which, like love, is what is without and beyond compare.

Political but Non-party In recent years, involvement has become almost the main topic of literary life; this is due largely to the fact that, firstly, there has emerged a group of authors who manifest not only their political views, but also their obligations; secondly due to the fact that some critics appeal for a "political turnaround" in literature and thirdly, due to the popularization of the thought of several world philosophers, with Jacques Rancier at the helm, who try to extract the political out of the aesthetic, and fourthly, as a consequence of the reactivation of old languages – Marxist one on the left side and conservative-identity one on the right. The resistance which these tendencies have aroused in some milieus is associated with the conviction that the discovery of the political possibilities of literature and its interpretation leads (or will lead) to its literariness, utilitarization, subordination to the languages that dominate on the public scene. The author of the article shares the above fears; he is of the opinion that literature should rather be an instrument for undermining instruments, pragmatism and sociologism by means of a language that does not belong to the territory of defined discourse; whereas the most interesting aspect of its political nature consists in its ability to resist politics.

A characteristic feature of Polish-Russian mutual perception is binarity, manifesting itself in various discursive spaces, from colloquial stereotypes, through popular literature, to sophisticated forms of meta-historical discourse. Asian-Europeanness, Latin-Byzantism/Orthodoxy, collectivism-individualism, and authenticity-falsehood, are just some of the oppositions that organise the social imagination of Poles and Russians in the sphere of their mutual assessments and opinions. The article draws attention to the partial manifestations of such oppositions (literary discourse, postcolonial studies, etc.) in order to show their hidden, dialectical dimension. To achieve this goal, the author refers to the category of ratio and emotum, which refers to a specific current of the European philosophical tradition. Both of these binary categories are the foundation for creating an image of the Other. They also fit into self-defining strategies important for understanding Polish and Russian identity. ; A characteristic feature of Polish-Russian mutual perception is binarity, manifesting itself in various discursive spaces, from colloquial stereotypes, through popular literature, to sophisticated forms of meta-historical discourse. Asian-Europeanness, Latin-Byzantism/Orthodoxy, collectivism-individualism, and authenticity-falsehood, are just some of the oppositions that organise the social imagination of Poles and Russians in the sphere of their mutual assessments and opinions. The article draws attention to the partial manifestations of such oppositions (literary discourse, postcolonial studies, etc.) in order to show their hidden, dialectical dimension. To achieve this goal, the author refers to the category of ratio and emotum, which refers to a specific current of the European philosophical tradition. Both of these binary categories are the foundation for creating an image of the Other. They also fit into self-defining strategies important for understanding Polish and Russian identity.

Fragile states pose a risk to regional and global security and an immense challenge to international development cooperation. The term fragile states generally refers to countries with dysfunctional, deteriorating or collapsed central authorities, as well as weak, failed, failing and collapsed states. In recent years they have attracted considerable and increased attention in the international development community, including the German development policy. Documents such as the Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development (BMZ) strategy "Developmentoriented Transformation in Conditions of Fragile Statehood and Poor Government Performance" and the guidelines on dealings with troubled states demonstrate that the German development cooperation has tried to tailor its approaches to these circumstances. This new policy crosses ministry boundaries and sets out a framework of closely action for the German foreign ministry, the defense ministry and the ministry for economic cooperation. This paper gives a short summary of the German policy towards fragile states, portrays their limitations, efforts and strategies for the future. Key words: fragile states, development policy, development cooperation, Germany, ODA, aid

""Vorwort""; ""Przedmowa""; ""AbkÃ?rzungsverzeichnis / Wykaz skrótów""; ""Ãœbersichtskarte / Mapa""; ""EinfÃ?hrung / WstÄ?p""; ""Die deutsche Minderheit in Polen (1920-1939)""; ""MniejszoÅ?Ä? niemiecka w Polsce (1920-1939)""; ""Die polnische Grenzminderheit in Deutschland 1920-1939""; ""Polska mniejszoÅ?Ä? przygraniczna w latach 1920-1939""; ""Auswahlbibliographie (Darstellungen und Quellen) / Bibliografia wybrana (opracowania i zródla)""; ""Dokumentenverzeichnis / Wykaz dokumentów""; ""Dokumente / Dokumenty""; ""A. Provinz Ostpreußen / Prowincja Prusy Wschodnie""